Narcissism self enchantment
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Journal of Research in Personality 34, 329–347 (2000)doi:10.1006/jrpe.2000.2282, available online at http://www.idealibrary.com on Narcissism and Comparative Self-Enhancement Strategies W. Keith Campbell Case Western Reserve University Glenn D. Reeder Illinois State University Constantine Sedikides University of Southampton, Southhampton, England and Andrew J. Elliot University of Rochester Two experiments examined narcissism and comparative self-enhancement strate- gies. Participants either completed an interdependent (Experiment 1) or an indepen- dent (Experiment 2) achievement task and then received bogus success or failure feedback. Across experiments, narcissistic individuals self-enhanced. Nonnarcis- sists, however, showed more ﬂexibility in self-enhancement. They did not self-en- hance when doing so meant comparing themselves favorably to a partner (a compar- ative strategy). Otherwise, they did self-enhance, particularly when estimating the importance of the task (a noncomparative strategy). These ﬁndings are discussed from a narcissistic self-enhancement perspective and a strategic ﬂexibility perspec- tive. © 2000 Academic Press A portion of this research was presented at the meeting of the Midwestern PsychologicalAssociation, May, 1995. We thank Maneesha Bhatia, Dion Bushman, Bryan Joslin, WendyKrull, Warren Lindley, Beth Nardiello, and Steve Palmatier for their help in conducting theseexperiments. We also thank Michael Wexler for statistical advice and Craig Foster, RobertKrueger, Bill McMahan, and Carolyn Morf for helpful insights. Address correspondence and reprint requests to W. Keith Campbell, Department of Psychol-ogy, Case Western Reserve University, 11220 Bellﬂower Road, Cleveland, OH 44106-7123.E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org. 329 0092-6566/00 $35.00 Copyright © 2000 by Academic Press All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.
330 CAMPBELL ET AL. The study of narcissism has encountered a resurgence of theoretical andempirical attention. This has occurred both in personality and social psychol-ogy (Emmons, 1987; Raskin & Hall, 1979; Rhodewalt & Morf, 1995) andin clinical psychology and psychiatry (Akhtar & Thompson, 1982; Kernberg,1975; Kohut, 1977; Masterson, 1988; Westen, 1990). Although the currentconceptualization of narcissism has changed in several ways since Freud’s(1914/1957) work on the topic, some agreement exists on the proﬁle ofthe typical narcissist [see Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of MentalDisorders, IV, American Psychiatric Association, 1994 (DSM IV); see alsoAkhtar & Thompson, 1982; Kernberg, 1975; Kohut, 1977].1 The typical narcissist is characterized by distortions in several areas ofpsychological functioning. The self-concept of the narcissist is marked bypositivity (i.e., thinking about oneself in a highly positive way), egocentrism(i.e., thinking about oneself without taking the perspective of others), and asense of uniqueness or ‘‘specialness.’’ Narcissists also regulate strategicallyself-concept positivity in several ways. These include outward displays ofself-importance, fantasies of fame and power, and negative affective reac-tions to perceived self-threats. Finally, narcissists are described as havingpoor interpersonal relationships. Narcissistic relationships are characterizedby a sense of personal entitlement, exploitation of the partner, indifferencetoward the partner’s needs, and a dearth of genuine love.TWO PERSPECTIVES ON NARCISSISTIC SELF-ENHANCEMENT A central characteristic of narcissism is self-enhancement (Sedikides,1993; Sedikides & Strube, 1997). Narcissists, relative to nonnarcissists, re-port inﬂated self-descriptions (Gabriel, Critelli, & Ee, 1994), performanceratings (John & Robins, 1994), and estimates of positive acts (Gosling, John,Craik, & Robins, 1998). Likewise, narcissists make self-serving ability attri-butions following performance feedback on achievement tasks (Farwell &Wohlwend-Lloyd, 1998; Rhodewalt & Morf, 1998). Narcissists’ predilection for self-enhancement may be part of a broaderself- versus other-orientation. Narcissists will not only implicitly derogateothers in the process of maintaining positive self-views (i.e., report inﬂatedvaluations of self versus other; Gabriel et al., 1994; John & Robins, 1994),but narcissists also explicitly derogate others (Kernis & Sun, 1994; Morf & 1 The present research focuses on the continuous personality variable of narcissism ratherthan on the personality disorder (Emmons, 1987; Raskin & Hall, 1979; Raskin, Novacek, &Hogan, 1991; Rhodewalt & Morf, 1995). For the sake of convenience, we us the term ‘‘narcis-sists’’ to describe individuals lying at the upper end of the continuum of the NarcissisticPersonality Inventory (NPI; Raskin & Hall, 1979) and the term ‘‘nonnarcissists’’ to describeindividuals lying on the lower end of the continuum of the NPI.
NARCISSISM AND SELF-ENHANCEMENT 331Rhodewalt, 1993), for example, by providing poor assessments of evaluators(Kernis & Sun, 1994). In short, it seems clear that narcissists self-enhance to a greater extentthan nonnarcissists and that this self-enhancement is part of a more generalself- versus other-orientation. Narcissistic self-enhancement, however, maybe more complex than this statement implies. We ask: ‘‘Will narcissists self-enhance to a greater extent than nonnarcissists across self-enhancement strat-egies, including even those strategies that do not involve comparing the selffavorably to others?’’ Alternatively, are there strategies with which narcis-sists will self-enhance to a similar extent to nonnarcissists, particularly strate-gies that do not involve such comparisons? In the present manuscript, wefocus on self-enhancement strategies evidenced by narcissists and nonnarcis-sists in response to feedback on achievement tasks. We identify two generaltypes of these strategies. Comparative strategies entail the favorable compar-ison of the self with another person. For example, blaming a partner foran unsuccessful task outcome would be a comparative strategy. In contrast,noncomparative strategies do not entail a comparison with another person.This type of strategy is exempliﬁed by stating, after the fact, that the outcomeon the same unsuccessful task was not very important. We approach these issues from two general perspectives, which we termthe narcissistic self-enhancement perspective and the strategic ﬂexibility per-spective. The narcissistic self-enhancement perspective predicts that narcis-sists will self-enhance across both comparative and noncomparative strate-gies. According to this perspective, narcissists should self-enhance to agreater extent than nonnarcissists using both comparative and noncompara-tive strategies. The strategic ﬂexibility perspective shifts attention away from narcissistsand toward nonnarcissists and interpersonal relatedness. Nonnarcissists, incomparison to narcissists, are more interpersonally oriented. Nonnarcissistsdo not report that they are better than others to the extent that narcissists do,and nonnarcissists, in comparison to narcissists, are agreeable, empathetic,and communally oriented. The relative interpersonal graciousness on the partof nonnarcissists may reduce their use of self-enhancement strategies thatviolate their communal orientation. Thus, nonnarcissists may be unlikely toself-enhance when doing so means taking credit away from a partner (i.e.,comparative measures). However, when nonnarcissists are given opportuni-ties to use self-enhancement strategies that do not involve derogating a part-ner (i.e., noncomparative strategies), they may be more likely to self-en-hance, perhaps to the extent of narcissists. In sum, the strategic ﬂexibilityperspective predicts that nonnarcissists will self-enhance, but with a ﬂexibil-ity consistent with a more interpersonal orientation. In contrast, narcissistsare predicted to be more rigidly self-enhancing across strategies.
332 CAMPBELL ET AL. THE PRESENT RESEARCH We conducted two experiments to capture narcissistic self-enhancementstrategies. We included two measures of self-enhancement: the self-servingbias (SSB) and ratings of task importance. The SSB is deﬁned as takingcredit for successful outcomes and blaming the situation or other personsfor unsuccessful outcomes (Heider, 1958; Campbell & Sedikides, 1999;Weary-Bradley, 1978; Zuckerman, 1979). As suggested by Emmons (1987)and demonstrated by Rhodewalt and Morf (1995, 1998) and Farwell andWohlwend-Lloyd (1998), the SSB is a fertile domain for examining narcis-sistic self-enhancement. Measures of the SSB have been used with both interdependent tasks (John-ston, 1967; Larson, 1977; Wolosin, Sherman, & Till, 1973) and independenttasks (Luginbuhl, Crowe, & Kahan, 1975; Bar-Tal & Frieze, 1976). A typicalinterdependent task involves giving a pair of participants a bogus combined-ability task. This task is followed by randomly determined success or failurefeedback at the dyadic level (i.e., participants are unaware of the magnitudeof their individual contributions to the task outcome). Participants are thenasked to divide responsibility for the task outcome between the self and thepartner. The SSB is evident if individuals take responsibility for success andblame the partner for failure (i.e., a comparative self-enhancement strategy).A typical independent task follows a similar format, except that participantsengage in the task individually and receive feedback at the individual level.Each participant is given the option to attribute the outcome to internal orexternal factors. The SSB is evident if individuals take responsibility forsuccess and blame external factors for failure (i.e., a noncomparative self-enhancement strategy). The second measure we used for studying self-enhancement involved ask-ing participants to rate the importance of a task after either success or failure(Wyer & Frey, 1983). A self-enhancing pattern is observed when individualsrate tasks at which they succeeded as important and rate tasks at which theyfailed as unimportant. Calculus, for example, might be viewed as an impor-tant topic of inquiry by a student who receives a ﬁnal grade of an ‘‘A’’ inthe course, but might be viewed as a topic of minor importance by the samestudent if the ﬁnal grade is a ‘‘D.’’ This technique for examining self-en-hancement is well-suited for our theoretical objectives because it is inher-ently noncomparative. That is, an individual can rate strategically the impor-tance of the task without diminishing a partner’s performance. In Experiment 1, we used an interdependent task. We included a measureof the SSB that called for dividing responsibility between the self and thepartner (i.e., a comparative strategy). We also included an importance mea-sure of self-enhancement (i.e., a noncomparative strategy). Experiment 2used an independent task. After receiving feedback, participants responded
NARCISSISM AND SELF-ENHANCEMENT 333to a responsibility and an importance measure of self-enhancement (i.e.,noncomparative strategies). EXPERIMENT 1 In Experiment 1, we examined the self-enhancement strategies exhibitedby narcissist and nonnarcissists in an interdependent achievement task. Bothof the theoretical perspectives guiding our research predict that the moderat-ing role of narcissism should emerge when comparative self-enhancementstrategies are measured. Speciﬁcally, narcissists are expected to be more self-serving, on average, than nonnarcissists on the comparative SSB measure.The strategic ﬂexibility perspective would predict further that narcissists andnonnarcissists should differ to a lesser extent on the importance measure.That is, both narcissists and nonnarcissists are expected to self-enhance onthis measure. To investigate the generalizability of our ﬁndings, we variedtwo additional factors in our design. The ﬁrst variable concerns relationshipcloseness. Half of the participants engaged in a self-disclosure task with theperson who would become their partner on the interdependent achievementtask; the other half worked with a stranger. The second variable was partici-pant gender. MethodDesign We used a four-factor, between-participants design. Three variables were dichotomous:feedback type (success/failure), relationship closeness (close/distant), and participant gender(male/female). The fourth variable, narcissism, was continuous.Participants Participants were 160 undergraduates (80 women, 80 men) enrolled in introductory psychol-ogy courses at Illinois State University. Participants volunteered for the experiment as a meansof fulﬁlling partially a course option. We tested only same-gender dyads who were unac-quainted at the start of the experiment. The procedure allowed four participants (two same-sex dyads) to provide data in each session. We used both male and female experimenters. Wedropped from the study two participants who expressed suspicion about the veridicality ofthe feedback during debrieﬁng.Procedure and Materials Overview. The two experiments reported in this manuscript followed a similar procedure.First, participants completed personality measures of self-esteem and narcissism. Second, eachparticipant was paired with a partner and a relationship closeness induction was conducted(this was not done in Experiment 2). Third, participants took a bogus test of creativity. Fourth,participants received randomly determined success or failure feedback. Finally, participantsmade attributions for their successful or unsuccessful outcomes on the creativity test and ratedthe importance of their outcomes.
334 CAMPBELL ET AL. Pretest. Approximately 2 weeks prior to the start of the experiment, participants ﬁlled outa series of measures. Participants were also given the opportunity to write down their namesand phone numbers if they wanted to be a part of another, unrelated experiment to be conductedin ‘‘a few weeks.’’ The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Inventory (RSE; Rosenberg, 1965) was admin-istered ﬁrst. This 10-item measure of global self-esteem has adequate validity (Lorr & Wunder-lich, 1986). The RSE was followed by the 40-item version (range: 0–40) of the NarcissisticPersonality Inventory (NPI; Raskin & Hall, 1979). The NPI is a forced-choice scale designedto measure the personality dimension of narcissism in normal populations (although the NPIhas been validated on clinical samples; Priﬁtera & Ryan, 1981). The NPI has been used exten-sively and found to exhibit adequate reliability and validity (Raskin & Terry, 1988; Rhode-walt & Morf, 1995). Relationship closeness induction task. A research assistant telephoned consenting partici-pants and invited them to the laboratory in pairs. Only pairs of participants who were unfamiliarwith each other were tested. Participants were informed that they would be participating intwo short and unrelated studies, the ﬁrst of which involved a communication task. Participantswere then seated across from each other in a small room where the experimenter handed themthe Relationship Closeness Induction Task (RCIT; Sedikides, Campbell, Reeder, & Elliot,1998). The RCIT instructed participants to spend 9 min mutually disclosing personal informa-tion to their partners while engaging in as natural a conversation as possible. Speciﬁcally,participants were given three lists of questions to ask each other. These lists became progres-sively more personal. The experimenter then moved outside the room and closed the door. At the end of the task, participants were given a relationship privacy measure. This was toensure that the conversation was perceived to be private—it was for all but one participant—as well as to enhance the perception that the RCIT was a part of an independent study. Partici-pants were then informed that it was time for ‘‘Study 2.’’ Half of the participants remainedwith the same partner for ‘‘Study 1’’ and ‘‘Study 2’’; half of the participants were placedwith a stranger in ‘‘Study 2.’’ Manipulation check on the closeness induction. ‘‘Study 2’’ began with a second consentform in order to further reinforce the impression on the part of participants that this was aseparate experiment. Next, participants ﬁlled out a manipulation check of relationship close-ness. The manipulation check consisted of four single-item, 9-point scales. These scales mea-sured how ‘‘close’’ and ‘‘similar’’ participants felt toward their partner, how much they‘‘liked’’ their partner, and if they felt they could be ‘‘friends’’ with their partner. Anchorswere not at all (1) and very much (9). Interdependent outcomes task. Participants then took the ‘‘Lange–Elliot Creativity Test.’’Ostensibly, this test was part of a study on ‘‘brainstorming’’ and the creativity of dyads.Participants were told that reliable data had already been gathered on this test from 130 ISUstudents and that more data were needed to ‘‘add to our knowledge.’’ Participants were in-structed to list as many conceptually distinct uses as possible for a brick (part one) and acandle (part two)(Bartis, Szymanski, & Harkins, 1988). The total number of nonoverlappinguses generated by the dyad would ostensibly be summed to create an overall creativity testscore for the dyad. All participants were told that they were in the ‘‘control condition’’ andthus would by seated alone in a different room from their partner during the test. Participants’perception of own actual performance on this measure was thus highly ambiguous because:(a) the task was novel, (b) only conceptually distinct ‘‘uses’’ counted toward the score,(c) ‘‘uses’’ that overlapped with the partner’s only counted once toward ﬁnal score, and(d) participants were not able to see their partner’s actual performance. Participants were allotted 5 min to complete each part of the test. Participants ﬁrst generateduses for a brick. They wrote down each use on a separate slip of paper which they then placedin a box. The experimenter warned the participants when 4 min of time had passed. After the5-min period ended, the experimenter emptied both participants’ responses into a box and
NARCISSISM AND SELF-ENHANCEMENT 335presented participants with part two of the test (i.e., uses for a candle). The same procedurewas repeated. Feedback. After each participant completed the ‘‘creativity test,’’ he or she received ran-domly determined dyad-level (i.e., combined) success and failure feedback. A bogus z scorerepresenting the combined number of uses generated by both participants was shown in textand on a bell-shaped frequency distribution. Participants in the success condition were showna mark at the 93rd percentile and were informed that they ‘‘did well.’’ Participants in the failurecondition were shown a mark at the 31st percentile and informed that they ‘‘did poorly.’’ Dependent measures. After receiving the feedback, participants ﬁlled out a booklet con-taining the dependent measures. On the front of the booklet, participants read that, ‘‘Becausethe Lange–Elliot Creativity Test was based on pooled scores . . . we were unable to determinewhich of you was most responsible for the overall positive or negative results obtained bythe pair.’’ Participants were told that their answers would be conﬁdential and that they wouldnot see their partners again in this experiment. Afterward, participants were asked to answerthe questions described below. Each question appeared on a separate page of the booklet. We examined the effectiveness of the success and failure manipulations by asking how wellthe participants believed the dyad, the individual, and the partner performed on the ‘‘creativitytest.’’ Participants responded to these questions on 10-point scales with anchors at not at allwell (1) and very well (10). Participants responded to a measure of the SSB that reﬂected a comparative self-enhance-ment strategy: ‘‘Who was most responsible for the outcome of this test?’’ by circling a numberon a 10-point scale with end points the other subject (1) and myself (10).2 Participants also responded to the importance question that reﬂected a noncomparative self-enhancement strategy, ‘‘How important was the outcome of the test to you?’’ on a 10-pointscale with end points at not at all important (1) and very important (10). This measure directedparticipants to focus on the ‘‘outcome of the test’’ rather than simply on the ‘‘test.’’ Westructured the question in this manner because we believed that the former wording wouldlead to a focus on performance, whereas the latter wording might lead to a more general focuson participation in research experiments. ResultsPersonality Measures The average score on the NPI was 16.27 (SD ϭ 7.15) with a median of16.00 (range ϭ 3–38). The average score on the RSE was 30.80 (SD ϭ3.83) with a median of 31.00 (range ϭ 20–40). The RSE and NPI werecorrelated, r(158) ϭ .41, p Ͻ .0005.Manipulation Checks Closeness. The four closeness manipulation check scales were summedto form one closeness scale (Cronbach’s α ϭ .84; M ϭ 5.06). Participantsin the close condition reported feeling closer to their partner (M ϭ 6.00)than participants in the distant condition (M ϭ 4.13), t(157) ϭ Ϫ7.86, p Ͻ.0005. One participant did not complete this scale. The NPI did not correlatewith closeness, r(157) ϭ Ϫ.02, p Ͻ .786. 2 An additional measure, ‘‘Who made the greatest positive contribution to this test?’’ withend points at ‘‘the other subject’’ (1) and ‘‘myself’’ (10) was included in Experiment 1. Theresults were largely consistent with those using the responsibility measure.
336 CAMPBELL ET AL. Feedback effectiveness. Participants who succeeded (M ϭ 7.29) reportedhaving performed better than participants who failed (M ϭ 5.79), t(158) ϭϪ5.18, p Ͻ .0005. Participants who succeeded (M ϭ 7.24) also reportedthat their partners performed better compared to those who failed (M ϭ 5.16),t(158) ϭ Ϫ8.32, p Ͻ .0005. Finally, participants who succeeded (M ϭ 8.86)reported that both they and their partners performed better than participantswho failed (M ϭ 4.21), t(158) ϭ Ϫ16.75, p Ͻ .0005. These ﬁndings indicatethat the feedback manipulation was successful.Dependent Measures We analyzed our data separately for the responsibility and importancemeasures using hierarchical regression analyses. We found no gender effects,so we dropped this variable from the model. Predictor variables were feed-back type (effects coded: success ϭ 1, failure ϭ Ϫ1), relationship closeness(effects coded: close ϭ 1, distant ϭ Ϫ1), and narcissism. Narcissism andthe dependent measures were centered around the mean (Aiken & West,1991). Following Morf and Rhodewalt (1993) and Rhodewalt and Morf(1995), we used self-esteem as a covariate in order to account for the overlapbetween the NPI and RSE (Raskin et al., 1991). The purpose behind thispractice was to control for the aspects of narcissism that relate to self-esteem.We entered main effects and self-esteem in step 1, two-way interactions instep 2, and the three-way interaction in step 3. Main effects were interpretedin step 1, interactions in step 2, and the three-way interaction in step 3. Crucial was the comparison between the success and failure conditionson each dependent measure. On both the responsibility and importance mea-sures, a signiﬁcantly greater value in the success than the failure conditionwould be evidence of self-enhancement. For example, if narcissists makegreater responsibility attributions in the success condition than the failurecondition, this would entail evidence of the SSB on the part of narcissists.Similarly, if nonnarcissists report greater perceived test importance follow-ing success than failure, it would entail evidence for self-enhancement onthe part of nonnarcissists. In order to test the narcissistic self-enhancementperspective and the strategic ﬂexibility perspective, we conducted separateplanned comparisons between the success and failure conditions for narcis-sists (1 SD above the mean on the NPI) and nonnarcissists (1 SD belowthe mean on the NPI) (Aiken & West, 1991). We made these comparisonsregardless of the statistical signiﬁcance of the Feedback Type ϫ Narcissisminteraction. Repeated-measures analysis. The narcissistic self-enhancement perspec-tive predicts greater self-enhancement from narcissists than from nonnarcis-sists, and this pattern should hold across both the responsibility and impor-tance measures. The prediction, then, is for a Feedback Type ϫ Narcissisminteraction, which generalizes across both types of dependent measures.
NARCISSISM AND SELF-ENHANCEMENT 337 FIG. 1. The effect of narcissism and feedback type on the dependent measure of responsi-bility (centered around the mean) in Experiment 1. This plot is derived from the predictedvalues for narcissism 1 SD above and 1 SD below the mean.In contrast, the strategic ﬂexibility perspective suggests that the FeedbackType ϫ Narcissism interaction should be stronger on the responsibility mea-sure than on the importance measure. This prediction, then, calls for a three-way interaction of feedback type, narcissism, and dependent measure. In-deed, a repeated-measures analysis indicated that the Feedback Type ϫ Nar-cissism ϫ dependent measure interaction was signiﬁcant, F(1, 152) ϭ 8.42,p Ͻ .004. The patterns on each dependent measure are discussed separatelybelow. Responsibility. If narcissism is related to self-enhancement as measuredby responsibility (a comparative self-enhancement strategy), we should ob-serve an interaction between narcissism and feedback type. Indeed, the Feed-back Type ϫ Narcissism interaction was signiﬁcant, b ϭ .27, t(152) ϭ 3.42,p Ͻ .001.3 In Fig. 1, we display this interaction by plotting the predictedvalues derived from examining a hypothetical individual 1 SD above themean (high narcissism) and 1 SD below the mean (low narcissism) (Aiken &West, 1991). Based on these predicted values, narcissists (i.e., those withhigh narcissism scores) took more credit for success (PV ϭ .58) than failure(PV ϭ Ϫ.46), b ϭ .32, t(155) ϭ 2.85, p Ͻ .005, thus manifesting the SSB.In contrast, nonnarcissists (i.e., those with low narcissism scores) took lesscredit for success (PV ϭ Ϫ.39) than failure (PV ϭ .37), b ϭ Ϫ.23, t(155) ϭϪ2.09, p Ͻ .039, thus manifesting an other-serving bias (OSB). The Feed-back Type ϫ Narcissism interaction was not qualiﬁed by Relationship Close-ness, b ϭ .01, t(151) ϭ .09, p Ͻ .928. We did not ﬁnd a main effect of 3 We replicated this and the other crucial analyses without including self-esteem as a covari-ate. The effects of narcissism remained the same.
338 CAMPBELL ET AL. FIG. 2. The effect of narcissism and feedback type on the dependent measure of impor-tance (centered around the mean) in Experiment 1. This plot is derived from the predictedvalues for narcissism 1 SD above and 1 SD below the mean.feedback type on outcome responsibility, b ϭ .04, t(155) ϭ .51, p Ͻ .611.No other statistically signiﬁcant effects emerged in the regression analyses. Importance. The main effect of feedback type was signiﬁcant, b ϭ .30,t(155) ϭ 3.95, p Ͻ .0005. As suggested by the sign of the regression coefﬁ-cient, participants who succeeded deemed the test outcome as more impor-tant than participants who failed. The Feedback Type ϫ Narcissism interac-tion was not signiﬁcant, b ϭ Ϫ.07, t(152) ϭ Ϫ.90, p Ͻ .371 (see Fig. 2 forpredicted values). On this noncomparative strategy, self-enhancement wasnot moderated by narcissism. Narcissists assigned more importance to suc-cess (PV ϭ .49) than failure (PV ϭ Ϫ.55), b ϭ .22, t(155) ϭ 2.06, p Ͻ.041. Nonnarcissists also assigned more importance to success (PV ϭ .85)than failure (PV ϭ Ϫ.91), b ϭ .39, t(155) ϭ 3.48, p Ͻ .001. No other sig-niﬁcant effects were observed. DISCUSSION We provided participants with the opportunity to self-enhance in a com-parative way (i.e., the responsibility measure) and a noncomparative way(i.e., the importance measure). Consistent with the narcissistic self-enhance-ment perspective, narcissists were, on average, self-serving in their responseson the responsibility measure and nonnarcissists were not. Less consistentwith the narcissistic self-enhancement perspective, narcissists were not moreself-enhancing than nonnarcissists on the importance measure. On this mea-sure, self-enhancement was present (in an absolute sense) among both narcis-sists and nonnarcissists, and the extent of that self-enhancement was similarin each case. These results provide somewhat stronger support for the strategic ﬂexibil-
NARCISSISM AND SELF-ENHANCEMENT 339ity perspective. Consistent with this perspective, nonnarcissists did not self-enhance on the responsibility measure (a comparative strategy), but did self-enhance on the importance measure (a noncomparative strategy). On theresponsibility measure, in fact, nonnarcissists actually manifested an OSB.Finally, these patterns generalized across different levels of closeness andparticipant gender. Of greater interest, the stronger self-enhancement shownby narcissists than nonnarcissists on the responsibility measure did not de-pend on whether the members of the dyad were strangers as opposed toacquaintances. This null effect of relationship closeness is consistent withFarwell and Wohlwend-Lloyd’s (1998) inability to ﬁnd a moderating effectof partner similarity on narcissistic self-enhancement. It appears that the rela-tionship between the members of the dyad is not a critical factor in determin-ing whether narcissists will differ from nonnarcissists in self-enhancement.Rather, a more important issue concerns the type of self-enhancement strat-egy that is involved. Narcissists self-enhance on both comparative and non-comparative measures, whereas nonnarcissists self-enhance only on noncom-parative measures. EXPERIMENT 2 In Experiment 1, we examined narcissistic self-enhancement in an interde-pendent situation. In Experiment 2, we further extended our research by ex-amining the link between narcissism and the SSB in an independent situation.Participants completed an independent outcome task and subsequently madeattributions of responsibility and importance. The responsibility attributionsavailable on this task are not explicitly comparative because of the indepen-dent (i.e., nondyadic) nature of the situation. Rather, they are noncompara-tive. The importance ratings are also noncomparative. According to the nar-cissistic self-enhancement perspective, the SSB should be more evident fornarcissists than nonnarcissists on each of these measures. The strategic ﬂex-ibility perspective, however, suggests that narcissists and nonnarcissists areequally likely to self-enhance on these two noncomparative measures. MethodDesign We used a three-factor, between-participants design. Two variables were dichotomous: feed-back type (success/failure) and participant gender (male/female). The third variable, narcis-sism, was continuous.Participants Participants were 64 undergraduate students (42 women and 22 men) enrolled in introduc-tory psychology courses at UNC-CH. Participants volunteered for the experiment as a meansof fulﬁlling partially a course option. A male research assistant tested from one to ﬁve partici-
340 CAMPBELL ET AL.pants in each session. We dropped one participant from the sample because she expressedsuspicion about our procedures at the end of the experiment.Procedure and Materials Participants began Experiment 2 by completing the RSE and the NPI. The creativity taskused in Experiment 2 mirrored that of Experiment 1, except that it was presented as an indepen-dent test. Participants worked alone on the test rather than with a partner, and, after completingthe ‘‘creativity test,’’ the participant received randomly determined individual-level successor failure feedback. After receiving the feedback, participants ﬁlled out a booklet containing the dependent mea-sures. On the front of the booklet, participants read that because several potential causes mayhave existed for their creativity score, ‘‘it is difﬁcult for us to tell how much your overallpositive or negative result reﬂects you as a test-taker and how much the result reﬂects other,situational factors.’’ The questions appeared on separate pages of a booklet. The effectiveness of the success and failure manipulations was checked by asking how wellthe participants believed they performed on the creativity task. Participants responded on 10-point scales with anchors at not at all well (1) and very well (10). Our primary measure of the SSB was a measure of responsibility for the test outcome.Unlike the measure of responsibility used in the ﬁrst experiment, this measure of the SSB isnoncomparative. Participants rated ‘‘Overall, how responsible were YOU for the outcome ofthis test?’’ by circling a number on a 10-point scale with end points of not at all (1) and verymuch (10). The measure of test outcome importance was the same as that used in Experi-ment 1.4 Results and DiscussionPersonality Measures The average score on the NPI was 17.08 (SD ϭ 7.03) with a median of16.00 (range ϭ 4–37). The average score on the RSE was 72.22 (SD ϭ14.70) with a median of 77.50 (range ϭ 25–90). (The difference in RSEscores between the two experiments reﬂects the different scale end points.)The two measures were correlated, r(62) ϭ .39, p Ͻ .002.Manipulation Check Participants who received success feedback (M ϭ 7.73) reported havingperformed better on the creativity test than participants who received failurefeedback (M ϭ 5.45), t(62) ϭ 4.107, p Ͻ .0005. The feedback manipulationwas successful. 4 We included ancillary attribution measures of (ability and effort) minus (difﬁculty andluck). The main effect of feedback type was signiﬁcant, b ϭ .42, t(60) ϭ 3.65, p Ͻ .001.Participants who succeeded made signiﬁcantly more internal attributions for the test outcomethan participants who failed. The Feedback Type ϫ Narcissism interaction was marginal, b ϭ.52, t(59) ϭ 1.73, p Ͻ .089. Narcissists made greater internal attributions for success (PV ϭ8.42) than failure (PV ϭ 1.64), b ϭ .62, t(59) ϭ 3.84, p Ͻ .0005. Nonnarcissists took descrip-tively but not signiﬁcantly more credit for success (PV ϭ 8.28) than failure (PV ϭ 5.83), b ϭ.22, t(59) ϭ 1.38, p Ͻ .173. The same pattern was noted when the ability item was examinedseparately.
NARCISSISM AND SELF-ENHANCEMENT 341Dependent Measures We analyzed our data via hierarchical regression analyses. We found nogender effects, so we dropped this variable from the model. The predictorvariables were feedback type (effects coded: success ϭ 1; failure ϭ Ϫ1)and narcissism. As in Experiment 1, narcissism and the dependent measureswere centered around the mean (Aiken & West, 1991). In step 1, we enteredthe main effects and self-esteem; in step 2, we entered the Feedback Type ϫNarcissism interaction. Repeated-measures analysis. As in Experiment 1, we conducted a repeatedmeasures analysis to determine the presence of a Feedback Type ϫ Narcis-sism ϫ dependent measure interaction. This three-way interaction was sig-niﬁcant in Experiment 1, which featured an interdependent task. However,the Feedback Type ϫ Narcissism ϫ dependent measure interaction was notstatistically signiﬁcant in the present experiment, which featured an indepen-dent task, F(1, 56) ϭ .36, p Ͻ .548. The patterns on both dependent measuresare described separately below. Responsibility. The main effect of feedback type was signiﬁcant, b ϭ .46,t(60) ϭ 3.99, p Ͻ .0005. Participants who succeeded took more responsibil-ity for the test outcome than participants who failed. The Feedback Type ϫNarcissism interaction was not signiﬁcant, b ϭ .11, t(59) ϭ .96, p Ͻ .340.Contrasts revealed that narcissists took more responsibility for success(PV ϭ .69) than failure (PV ϭ Ϫ1.26), b ϭ .57, t(59) ϭ 3.50, p Ͻ .001.Similarly, nonnarcissists took more responsibility for success (PV ϭ .82)than failure (PV ϭ Ϫ.31), b ϭ .35, t(59) ϭ 2.12, p Ͻ .038. Consistent withthe strategic ﬂexibility perspective, both narcissists and nonnarcissists self-enhanced on this noncomparative task. Importance. The main effect of feedback type was signiﬁcant, b ϭ .31,t(1, 60) ϭ 2.57, p Ͻ .013. Participants who succeeded regarded the testoutcomes as more important than those who failed. The Feedback Type ϫNarcissism interaction was not signiﬁcant, b ϭ Ϫ.02, t(59) ϭ Ϫ.12, p Ͻ.902. Narcissists assigned marginally more importance to success (PV ϭ1.26) than failure (PV ϭ Ϫ.46), b ϭ .30, t(59) ϭ 1.72, p Ͻ .092. Nonnarcis-sists also assigned marginally more importance to success (PV ϭ .53) thanfailure (PV ϭ Ϫ1.36), b ϭ .33, t(59) ϭ 1.88, p Ͻ .065. In short, both narcis-sists and nonnarcissists self-enhanced on this noncomparative task. Thisﬁnding is consistent with the strategic ﬂexibility perspective. GENERAL DISCUSSION We began the present article by asking: Do narcissists reliably self-en-hance to a greater extent than nonnarcissists or are there self-enhancementstrategies with which narcissists and nonnarcissists self-enhance to a similarextent? To answer this question, we examined narcissists’ and nonnarcis-
342 CAMPBELL ET AL.sists’ use of comparative and noncomparative self-enhancement strategiesacross interdependent and independent contexts. The research focused ontwo theoretical perspectives. The narcissistic self-enhancement perspectivehighlights narcissists’ greater across-the-board self-enhancement relative tononnarcissists. In contrast, the strategic ﬂexibility perspective highlights thetendency of nonnarcissists to refrain from self-enhancement in situations thatinvolve comparison with a related other, but otherwise self-enhance on parwith narcissists. Consistent with the narcissistic self-enhancement perspective, narcissistsdid self-enhance on all the measures we included. Yet we also observedsigniﬁcant evidence in favor of the strategic ﬂexibility perspective: Narcis-sists tended to self-enhance in a relatively rigid way across all of the tasks.Nonnarcissists, in contrast, self-enhanced only when using noncomparativestrategies. When nonnarcissists’ ratings involved a comparison betweenthemselves and their interaction partner, nonnarcissists refrained from self-enhancement and even engaged in other-enhancement. SOME IMPLICATIONS FOR UNDERSTANDING NARCISSISM The present research has important implications for research on the con-struct of narcissism. The present research highlights those self-enhancementstrategies (i.e., comparative strategies) that are central to narcissists’ func-tioning. More importantly, the present research identiﬁes those self-enhance-ment strategies (i.e., noncomparative strategies) that do not distinguish asreadily narcissists from nonnarcissists. Indeed, the results of the present in-vestigation, coupled with those of previous researchers (e.g., Farwell &Wohlwend-Lloyd, 1998; Gabriel et al., 1994; John & Robins, 1994; Rhode-walt & Morf, 1998), suggest that identifying narcissism with self-enhance-ment is somewhat imprecise. Instead, narcissism is more accurately identi-ﬁed with a speciﬁc strategy of self-enhancement, one that involvesexpressing and maintaining an elevated view of self in relation to others. At the same time, the present research also demonstrates the extent ofnarcissists’ self-enhancement. Narcissists were willing to self-enhance bytaking credit from a partner for a successful outcome (or blaming a partnerfor an unsuccessful outcome). Put in other terms, narcissists, but not nonnar-cissists, are willing to enhance even at the expense of diminishing a closeother. This ﬁnding is consistent with research examining narcissism and con-structs relevant to relational functioning, such as empathy (Watson et al.,1984), agreeableness (Rhodewalt & Morf, 1995), and need for intimacy (Car-roll, 1987). Why are narcissists willing to augment the self at the expense of the part-ner? (Or, put another way, why are nonnarcissists willing to derogate theself for the beneﬁt of another?). Past research suggests three explanations.First, narcissists are less interpersonally oriented (e.g., empathetic or agree-
NARCISSISM AND SELF-ENHANCEMENT 343able) than nonnarcissists. Second, the self-enhancement strategy evidencedby narcissists in the present research arguably reﬂects a chronic response toself threat. This being the case, narcissists’ self-enhancement may, in part,be driven by negative affective states, such as anger, directed toward thepartner (Rhodewalt & Morf, 1998). Third and ﬁnally, an inﬂated view ofown abilities coupled with a lack of thought about the partner may underlienarcissists’ responses. The former possibility is consistent with past researchexamining narcissists’ self-perceptions in group tasks (John & Robins, 1994;Gosling et al., 1998). Future research, particularly research aimed at con-straining or limiting narcissists’ self-enhancement strivings, would be usefulin addressing conclusively these issues. The present research is also consistent with—although not direct evidenceof—the assumption long-held in the clinical literature that narcissists haveimpaired interpersonal relationships as a result of their self-enhancementstrivings. Arguably, taking credit repeatedly from another will impede themaintenance and formation of relational closeness and satisfaction (e.g., Fin-cham, Beach, & Baucom, 1987). The results of the present study, coupledwith recent research showing that self-enhancement is associated with a hostof potentially destructive interpersonal behaviors, including bragging, com-petitiveness, and hostility (Colvin et al., 1995; Baumeister, Smart, & Boden,1996), suggest that relationships can be impaired by self-enhancement ef-forts. Future research would be well-served by addressing this issue. CAVEATS The conclusions of the present research do have several potential limita-tions. Despite the evidence for the strategic ﬂexibility perspective, it is im-portant to note that we are not claiming that narcissists will self-enhance toa similar extent to nonnarcissists using all noncomparative strategies. Re-search has found that narcissists possess a greater willingness to self-enhanceusing ability attributions following feedback on achievement tasks (Far-well & Wohlwend-Lloyd, 1998; Rhodewalt & Morf, 1998). Indeed, suchmeasures likely reﬂect, at least implicitly, narcissists’ favorable views oftheir own ability versus the ability of others (Farwell & Wohlwend-Lloyd,1998; Gabriel et al., 1994) and thus may be somewhat comparative. Likewise, we do not claim that narcissists’ response to feedback differsfrom that of nonnarcissists only in the use of comparative self-enhancementtechniques. Although the use of strategic importance ratings following feed-back is a highly reliable form of noncomparative self-enhancement, otherforms of noncomparative self-enhancement also exist. For example, individ-uals may criticize the diagnosticity or validity of a task on which they haveperformed poorly. Kernis and Sun (1994) found that narcissists were morelikely to self-enhance by strategically evaluating the diagnosticity of a testthan were nonnarcissists; however, these researchers also found that nonnar-
344 CAMPBELL ET AL.cissists did self-enhance using this noncomparative strategy—just not to theextent of narcissists. Thus, even on a different noncomparative self-enhance-ment measure than the one used in the present research, both nonnarcissistsand narcissists self-enhanced but with narcissists showing the greater self-enhancement. In addition, narcissists’ affective response to feedback is dif-ferent from that of nonnarcissists (Rhodewalt & Morf, 1998) and narcissistsmay use other self-enhancement strategies to a greater extent than nonnarcis-sists, including ‘‘showing-off’’ (Buss & Chiodo, 1991) and seeking ‘‘tro-phy’’ romantic partners (Campbell, 1999). Finally, Experiment 2 could be criticized on the grounds that the nonsig-niﬁcant Narcissism ϫ Feedback Type interaction effect on the responsibilitydependent measure was simply a null result driven by the small sample size.Clearly, evidence for greater self-enhancement on the part of narcissists mayhave been uncovered with a larger sample size. However, although the inter-action term was nonsigniﬁcant, planned contrasts demonstrated that the maineffect of feedback type was signiﬁcant for both nonnarcissists and narcis-sists—even with the small sample size. In other words, both nonnarcissistsand narcissists did self-enhance on the noncomparative responsibility mea-sure. The fact that nonnarcissists demonstrated a signiﬁcant amount of self-enhancement on this noncomparative task is consistent with the strategicﬂexibility perspective. CONCLUSION In the present research, we examined self-enhancement strategies dis-played by narcissists and nonnarcissists. Our results conﬁrmed and extendedthe insights of past research. Narcissists do indeed self-enhance across con-texts and with a range of strategies. This ﬁnding, however, does not tell theentire story of narcissistic self-enhancement. Nonnarcissists also tend to self-enhance, except when doing so involves giving credit to the self at the ex-pense of another. In these situations, nonnarcissists refrain from self-en-hancement. In fact, nonnarcissists and narcissists reported similar levels ofself-enhancement on the importance dependent measure, which reﬂected anoncomparative self-enhancement strategy. In closing, then, we address one ﬁnal issue: Does it matter that narcissistsmaintain self-esteem by taking credit from close others? Does selﬁshness ofthis sort wreak havoc in interpersonal relationships, or is it simply evidenceof healthy self-esteem? The answer to these questions is not provided directlyin the present research. One may argue, however, that by using self-esteemas a covariate in the experiments, we partially controlled for the ‘‘healthyself-esteem’’ interpretation of narcissists’ self-enhancement. A more farreaching (and speculative) answer to this question focuses on the importanceof social support. Social support has several buffering qualities that helpmaintain psychological and physical health (Cohen & Wills, 1985). Narcis-
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