National Security Strategy 2010
The 2010 National Security Strategy
Published on: Mar 3, 2016
Transcripts - National Security Strategy 2010
N AT ION A L SE C U R I T Y
S T R AT E G Y
Table of Contents
I. Overview of National Security Strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
II. Strategic Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
The Strategic Environment—The World as It Is . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
The Strategic Approach—The World We Seek . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Building Our Foundation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Pursuing Comprehensive Engagement. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Promoting a Just and Sustainable International Order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Strengthening National Capacity—A Whole of Government Approach . . . . . . . . . . 14
III. Advancing Our Interests . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Strengthen Security and Resilience at Home. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Disrupt, Dismantle, and Defeat Al-Qa’ida and its Violent Extremist Affiliates in
Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Around the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Use of Force. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Reverse the Spread of Nuclear and Biological Weapons and Secure Nuclear Materials . . 23
Advance Peace, Security, and Opportunity in the Greater Middle East . . . . . . . . . 24
Invest in the Capacity of Strong and Capable Partners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Secure Cyberspace. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Prosperity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Strengthen Education and Human Capital . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Enhance Science, Technology, and Innovation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Achieve Balanced and Sustainable Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Accelerate Sustainable Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
Spend Taxpayers’ Dollars Wisely. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Strengthen the Power of Our Example . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Promote Democracy and Human Rights Abroad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Promote Dignity by Meeting Basic Needs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
International Order. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
Ensure Strong Alliances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
Build Cooperation with Other 21st Century Centers of Influence . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Strengthen Institutions and Mechanisms for Cooperation . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
Sustain Broad Cooperation on Key Global Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
IV. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
I. Overview of National Security Strategy
At the dawn of the 21st century, the United States of America faces a broad and complex array of chal-
lenges to our national security. Just as America helped to determine the course of the 20th century,
we must now build the sources of American strength and influence, and shape an international order
capable of overcoming the challenges of the 21st century.
The World as It Is, A Strategy for the World We Seek
To succeed, we must face the world as it is. The two decades since the end of the Cold War have been
marked by both the promise and perils of change. The circle of peaceful democracies has expanded; the
specter of nuclear war has lifted; major powers are at peace; the global economy has grown; commerce
has stitched the fate of nations together; and more individuals can determine their own destiny. Yet these
advances have been accompanied by persistent problems. Wars over ideology have given way to wars
over religious, ethnic, and tribal identity; nuclear dangers have proliferated; inequality and economic
instability have intensified; damage to our environment, food insecurity, and dangers to public health
are increasingly shared; and the same tools that empower individuals to build enable them to destroy.
The dark side of this globalized world came to the forefront for the American people on September
11, 2001. The immediate threat demonstrated by the deadliest attacks ever launched upon American
soil demanded strong and durable approaches to defend our homeland. In the years since, we have
launched a war against al-Qa’ida and its affiliates, decided to fight a war in Iraq, and confronted a sweep-
ing economic crisis. More broadly, though, we have wrestled with how to advance American interests in a
world that has changed—a world in which the international architecture of the 20th century is buckling
under the weight of new threats, the global economy has accelerated the competition facing our people
and businesses, and the universal aspiration for freedom and dignity contends with new obstacles.
Our country possesses the attributes that have supported our leadership for decades—sturdy alliances,
an unmatched military, the world’s largest economy, a strong and evolving democracy, and a dynamic
citizenry. Going forward, there should be no doubt: the United States of America will continue to
underwrite global security—through our commitments to allies, partners, and institutions; our focus on
defeating al-Qa’ida and its affiliates in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and around the globe; and our determina-
tion to deter aggression and prevent the proliferation of the world’s most dangerous weapons. As we do,
we must recognize that no one nation—no matter how powerful—can meet global challenges alone.
As we did after World War II, America must prepare for the future, while forging cooperative approaches
among nations that can yield results.
Our national security strategy is, therefore, focused on renewing American leadership so that we can
more effectively advance our interests in the 21st century. We will do so by building upon the sources
of our strength at home, while shaping an international order that can meet the challenges of our
time. This strategy recognizes the fundamental connection between our national security, our national
competitiveness, resilience, and moral example. And it reaffirms America’s commitment to pursue our
interests through an international system in which all nations have certain rights and responsibilities.
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This will allow America to leverage our engagement abroad on behalf of a world in which individuals
enjoy more freedom and opportunity, and nations have incentives to act responsibly, while facing
consequences when they do not.
Renewing American Leadership—Building at Home, Shaping Abroad
Our approach begins with a commitment to build a stronger foundation for American leadership,
because what takes place within our borders will determine our strength and influence beyond them.
This truth is only heightened in a world of greater interconnection—a world in which our prosperity is
inextricably linked to global prosperity, our security can be directly challenged by developments across
an ocean, and our actions are scrutinized as never before.
At the center of our efforts is a commitment to renew our economy, which serves as the wellspring of
American power. The American people are now emerging from the most devastating recession that we
have faced since the Great Depression. As we continue to act to ensure that our recovery is broad and
sustained, we are also laying the foundation for the long term growth of our economy and competitive-
ness of our citizens. The investments that we have made in recovery are a part of a broader effort that
will contribute to our strength: by providing a quality education for our children; enhancing science and
innovation; transforming our energy economy to power new jobs and industries; lowering the cost of
health care for our people and businesses; and reducing the Federal deficit.
Each of these steps will sustain America’s ability to lead in a world where economic power and individual
opportunity are more diffuse. These efforts are also tied to our commitment to secure a more resilient
nation. Our recovery includes rebuilding an infrastructure that will be more secure and reliable in the
face of terrorist threats and natural disasters. Our focus on education and science can ensure that the
breakthroughs of tomorrow take place in the United States. Our development of new sources of energy
will reduce our dependence on foreign oil. Our commitment to deficit reduction will discipline us to
make hard choices, and to avoid overreach. These steps complement our efforts to integrate homeland
security with national security; including seamless coordination among Federal, state, and local govern-
ments to prevent, protect against, and respond to threats and natural disasters.
Finally, the work to build a stronger foundation for our leadership within our borders recognizes that
the most effective way for the United States of America to promote our values is to live them. America’s
commitment to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law are essential sources of our strength and
influence in the world. They too must be cultivated by our rejection of actions like torture that are not in
line with our values, by our commitment to pursue justice consistent with our Constitution, and by our
steady determination to extend the promise of America to all of our citizens. America has always been
a beacon to the peoples of the world when we ensure that the light of America’s example burns bright.
Building this stronger foundation will support America’s efforts to shape an international system that
can meet the challenges of our time. In the aftermath of World War II, it was the United States that
helped take the lead in constructing a new international architecture to keep the peace and advance
prosperity—from NATO and the United Nations, to treaties that govern the laws and weapons of war;
from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, to an expanding web of trade agreements. This
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architecture, despite its flaws, averted world war, enabled economic growth, and advanced human
rights, while facilitating effective burden sharing among the United States, our allies, and partners.
Today, we need to be clear-eyed about the strengths and shortcomings of international institutions that
were developed to deal with the challenges of an earlier time and the shortage of political will that has
at times stymied the enforcement of international norms. Yet it would be destructive to both American
national security and global security if the United States used the emergence of new challenges and
the shortcomings of the international system as a reason to walk away from it. Instead, we must focus
American engagement on strengthening international institutions and galvanizing the collective action
that can serve common interests such as combating violent extremism; stopping the spread of nuclear
weapons and securing nuclear materials; achieving balanced and sustainable economic growth; and
forging cooperative solutions to the threat of climate change, armed conflict, and pandemic disease.
The starting point for that collective action will be our engagement with other countries. The cornerstone
of this engagement is the relationship between the United States and our close friends and allies in
Europe, Asia, the Americas, and the Middle East—ties which are rooted in shared interests and shared
values, and which serve our mutual security and the broader security and prosperity of the world. We are
working to build deeper and more effective partnerships with other key centers of influence—includ-
ing China, India, and Russia, as well as increasingly influential nations such as Brazil, South Africa, and
Indonesia—so that we can cooperate on issues of bilateral and global concern, with the recognition
that power, in an interconnected world, is no longer a zero sum game. We are expanding our outreach
to emerging nations, particularly those that can be models of regional success and stability, from the
Americas to Africa to Southeast Asia. And we will pursue engagement with hostile nations to test their
intentions, give their governments the opportunity to change course, reach out to their people, and
mobilize international coalitions.
This engagement will underpin our commitment to an international order based upon rights and
responsibilities. International institutions must more effectively represent the world of the 21st century,
with a broader voice—and greater responsibilities—for emerging powers, and they must be modernized
to more effectively generate results on issues of global interest. Constructive national steps on issues
ranging from nuclear security to climate change must be incentivized, so nations that choose to do
their part see the benefits of responsible action. Rules of the road must be followed, and there must be
consequences for those nations that break the rules—whether they are nonproliferation obligations,
trade agreements, or human rights commitments.
This modernization of institutions, strengthening of international norms, and enforcement of inter-
national law is not a task for the United States alone—but together with like-minded nations, it is a
task we can lead. A key source of American leadership throughout our history has been enlightened
self-interest. We want a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives
will be better if other peoples’ children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity. The belief
that our own interests are bound to the interests of those beyond our borders will continue to guide
our engagement with nations and peoples.
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Advancing Top National Security Priorities
Just as our national security strategy is focused on renewing our leadership for the long term, it is also
facilitating immediate action on top priorities. This Administration has no greater responsibility than
the safety and security of the American people. And there is no greater threat to the American people
than weapons of mass destruction, particularly the danger posed by the pursuit of nuclear weapons by
violent extremists and their proliferation to additional states.
That is why we are pursuing a comprehensive nonproliferation and nuclear security agenda, grounded
in the rights and responsibilities of nations. We are reducing our nuclear arsenal and reliance on nuclear
weapons, while ensuring the reliability and effectiveness of our deterrent. We are strengthening the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as the foundation of nonproliferation, while working through
the NPT to hold nations like Iran and North Korea accountable for their failure to meet international
obligations. We are leading a global effort to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials from terrorists.
And we are pursuing new strategies to protect against biological attacks and challenges to the cyber
networks that we depend upon.
As we secure the world’s most dangerous weapons, we are fighting a war against a far-reaching network
of hatred and violence. We will disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al-Qa’ida and its affiliates through a com-
prehensive strategy that denies them safe haven, strengthens front-line partners, secures our homeland,
pursues justice through durable legal approaches, and counters a bankrupt agenda of extremism and
murder with an agenda of hope and opportunity. The frontline of this fight is Afghanistan and Pakistan,
where we are applying relentless pressure on al-Qa’ida, breaking the Taliban’s momentum, and strength-
ening the security and capacity of our partners. In this effort, our troops are again demonstrating their
extraordinary service, making great sacrifices in a time of danger, and they have our full support.
In Iraq, we are transitioning to full Iraqi sovereignty and responsibility—a process that includes the
removal of our troops, the strengthening of our civilian capacity, and a long-term partnership to the
Iraqi Government and people. We will be unwavering in our pursuit of a comprehensive peace between
Israel and its neighbors, including a two-state solution that ensures Israel’s security, while fulfilling the
Palestinian peoples’ legitimate aspirations for a viable state of their own. And our broader engagement
with Muslim communities around the world will spur progress on critical political and security matters,
while advancing partnerships on a broad range of issues based upon mutual interests and mutual
As we rebuild the economic strength upon which our leadership depends, we are working to advance
the balanced and sustainable growth upon which global prosperity and stability depends. This includes
steps at home and abroad to prevent another crisis. We have shifted focus to the G-20 as the premier
forum for international economic cooperation, and are working to rebalance global demand so that
America saves more and exports more, while emerging economies generate more demand. And we will
pursue bilateral and multilateral trade agreements that advance our shared prosperity, while accelerat-
ing investments in development that can narrow inequality, expand markets, and support individual
opportunity and state capacity abroad.
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These efforts to advance security and prosperity are enhanced by our support for certain values that are
universal. Nations that respect human rights and democratic values are more successful and stronger
partners, and individuals who enjoy such respect are more able to achieve their full potential. The United
States rejects the false choice between the narrow pursuit of our interests and an endless campaign
to impose our values. Instead, we see it as fundamental to our own interests to support a just peace
around the world—one in which individuals, and not just nations, are granted the fundamental rights
that they deserve.
In keeping with the focus on the foundation of our strength and influence, we are promoting universal
values abroad by living them at home, and will not seek to impose these values through force. Instead,
we are working to strengthen international norms on behalf of human rights, while welcoming all
peaceful democratic movements. We are supporting the development of institutions within fragile
democracies, integrating human rights as a part of our dialogue with repressive governments, and sup-
porting the spread of technologies that facilitate the freedom to access information. And we recognize
economic opportunity as a human right, and are promoting the dignity of all men and women through
our support for global health, food security, and cooperatives responses to humanitarian crises.
Finally, our efforts to shape an international order that promotes a just peace must facilitate cooperation
capable of addressing the problems of our time. This international order will support our interests, but
it is also an end that we seek in its own right. New challenges hold out the prospect of opportunity, but
only if the international community breaks down the old habits of suspicion to build upon common
interests. A global effort to combat climate change must draw upon national actions to reduce emis-
sions and a commitment to mitigate their impact. Efforts to prevent conflicts and keep the peace in their
aftermath can stop insecurity from spreading. Global cooperation to prevent the spread of pandemic
disease can promote public health.
Implementing this agenda will not be easy. To succeed, we must balance and integrate all elements
of American power and update our national security capacity for the 21st century. We must maintain
our military’s conventional superiority, while enhancing its capacity to defeat asymmetric threats. Our
diplomacy and development capabilities must be modernized, and our civilian expeditionary capac-
ity strengthened, to support the full breadth of our priorities. Our intelligence and homeland security
efforts must be integrated with our national security policies, and those of our allies and partners. And
our ability to synchronize our actions while communicating effectively with foreign publics must be
enhanced to sustain global support.
However, America’s greatest asset remains our people. In an era that will be shaped by the ability to seize
the opportunities of a world that has grown more interconnected, it is the American people who will
make the difference—the troops and civilians serving within our government; businesses, foundations,
and educational institutions that operate around the globe; and citizens who possess the dynamism,
drive, and diversity to thrive in a world that has grown smaller. Because for all of its dangers, globalization
is in part a product of American leadership and the ingenuity of the American people. We are uniquely
suited to seize its promise.
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Our story is not without imperfections. Yet at each juncture that history has called upon us to rise to
the occasion, we have advanced our own security, while contributing to the cause of human progress.
To continue to do so, our national security strategy must be informed by our people, enhanced by the
contributions of the Congress, and strengthened by the unity of the American people. If we draw on
that spirit anew, we can build a world of greater peace, prosperity, and human dignity.
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II. Strategic approach
“More than at any point in human history—the interests of nations and peoples are
shared. The religious convictions that we hold in our hearts can forge new bonds among
people, or tear us apart. The technology we harness can light the path to peace, or forever
darken it. The energy we use can sustain our planet, or destroy it. What happens to the
hope of a single child—anywhere—can enrich our world, or impoverish it.”
—President Barack Obama, United Nations General Assembly, September 22, 2009
The United States must renew its leadership in the world by building and cultivating the sources of our
strength and influence. Our national security depends upon America’s ability to leverage our unique
national attributes, just as global security depends upon strong and responsible American leadership.
That includes our military might, economic competitiveness, moral leadership, global engagement,
and efforts to shape an international system that serves the mutual interests of nations and peoples.
For the world has changed at an extraordinary pace, and the United States must adapt to advance our
interests and sustain our leadership.
American interests are enduring. They are:
• The security of the United States, its citizens, and U.S. allies and partners;
• A strong, innovative, and growing U.S. economy in an open international economic system that
promotes opportunity and prosperity;
• Respect for universal values at home and around the world; and
• An international order advanced by U.S. leadership that promotes peace, security, and oppor-
tunity through stronger cooperation to meet global challenges.
Currently, the United States is focused on implementing a responsible transition as we end the war in
Iraq, succeeding in Afghanistan, and defeating al-Qa’ida and its terrorist affiliates, while moving our
economy from catastrophic recession to lasting recovery. As we confront these crises, our national
strategy must take a longer view. We must build a stronger foundation for American leadership and
work to better shape the outcomes that are most fundamental to our people in the 21st century.
The Strategic Environment—The World as It Is
In the two decades since the end of the Cold War, the free flow of information, people, goods and services
has accelerated at an unprecedented rate. This interconnection has empowered individuals for good
and ill, and challenged state based international institutions that were largely designed in the wake of
World War II by policymakers who had different challenges in mind. Nonstate actors can have a dramatic
influence on the world around them. Economic growth has alleviated poverty and led to new centers of
influence. More nations are asserting themselves regionally and globally. The lives of our citizens—their
safety and prosperity—are more bound than ever to events beyond our borders.
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Within this environment, the attacks of September 11, 2001, were a transformative event for the United
States, demonstrating just how much trends far beyond our shores could directly endanger the personal
safety of the American people. The attacks put into sharp focus America’s position as the sole global
superpower, the dangers of violent extremism, and the simmering conflicts that followed the peaceful
conclusion of the Cold War. And they drew a swift and forceful response from the United States and
our allies and partners in Afghanistan. This response was followed by our decision to go to war in Iraq,
and the ensuing years have seen America’s forces, resources, and national security strategy focused on
The United States is now fighting two wars with many thousands of our men and women deployed in
harm’s way, and hundreds of billions of dollars dedicated to funding these conflicts. In Iraq, we are sup-
porting a transition of responsibility to the sovereign Iraqi Government. We are supporting the security
and prosperity of our partners in Afghanistan and Pakistan as part of a broader campaign to disrupt,
dismantle, and defeat al-Qa’ida and its violent extremist affiliates.
Yet these wars—and our global efforts to successfully counter violent extremism—are only one ele-
ment of our strategic environment and cannot define America’s engagement with the world. Terrorism
is one of many threats that are more consequential in a global age. The gravest danger to the American
people and global security continues to come from weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear
weapons. The space and cyberspace capabilities that power our daily lives and military operations are
vulnerable to disruption and attack. Dependence upon fossil fuels constrains our options and pollutes
our environment. Climate change and pandemic disease threaten the security of regions and the health
and safety of the American people. Failing states breed conflict and endanger regional and global
security. Global criminal networks foment insecurity abroad and bring people and goods across our
own borders that threaten our people.
The global economy is being reshaped by innovation, emerging economies, transition to low-carbon
energy, and recovery from a catastrophic recession. The convergence of wealth and living standards
among developed and emerging economies holds out the promise of more balanced global growth, but
dramatic inequality persists within and among nations. Profound cultural and demographic tensions,
rising demand for resources, and rapid urbanization could reshape single countries and entire regions.
As the world grows more interconnected, more individuals are gaining awareness of their universal
rights and have the capacity to pursue them. Democracies that respect the rights of their people remain
successful states and America’s most steadfast allies. Yet the advance of democracy and human rights
has stalled in many parts of the world.
More actors exert power and influence. Europe is now more united, free, and at peace than ever before.
The European Union has deepened its integration. Russia has reemerged in the international arena as a
strong voice. China and India—the world’s two most populous nations—are becoming more engaged
globally. From Latin America to Africa to the Pacific, new and emerging powers hold out opportunities
for partnership, even as a handful of states endanger regional and global security by flouting interna-
tional norms. International institutions play a critical role in facilitating cooperation, but at times cannot
effectively address new threats or seize new opportunities. Meanwhile, individuals, corporations, and
civil society play an increasingly important role in shaping events around the world.
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The United States retains the strengths that have enabled our leadership for many decades. Our society
is exceptional in its openness, vast diversity, resilience, and engaged citizenry. Our private sector and
civil society exhibit enormous ingenuity and innovation, and our workers are capable and dedicated.
We have the world’s largest economy and most powerful military, strong alliances and a vibrant cultural
appeal, and a history of leadership in economic and social development. We continue to be a destination
that is sought out by immigrants from around the world, who enrich our society. We have a transparent,
accountable democracy and a dynamic and productive populace with deep connections to peoples
around the world. And we continue to embrace a set of values that have enabled liberty and opportunity
at home and abroad.
Now, the very fluidity within the international system that breeds new challenges must be approached
as an opportunity to forge new international cooperation. We must rebalance our long-term priorities so
that we successfully move beyond today’s wars, and focus our attention and resources on a broader set
of countries and challenges. We must seize on the opportunities afforded by the world’s interconnection,
while responding effectively and comprehensively to its dangers. And we must take advantage of the
unparalleled connections that America’s Government, private sector, and citizens have around the globe.
The Strategic Approach—The World We Seek
In the past, the United States has thrived when both our nation and our national security policy have
adapted to shape change instead of being shaped by it. For instance, as the industrial revolution took
hold, America transformed our economy and our role in the world. When the world was confronted by
fascism, America prepared itself to win a war and to shape the peace that followed. When the United
States encountered an ideological, economic, and military threat from communism, we shaped our
practices and institutions at home—and policies abroad—to meet this challenge. Now, we must once
again position the United States to champion mutual interests among nations and peoples.
Building Our Foundation
Our national security begins at home. What takes place within our borders has always been the source
of our strength, and this is even truer in an age of interconnection.
First and foremost, we must renew the foundation of America’s strength. In the long run, the welfare
of the American people will determine America’s strength in the world, particularly at a time when our
own economy is inextricably linked to the global economy. Our prosperity serves as a wellspring for
our power. It pays for our military, underwrites our diplomacy and development efforts, and serves as
a leading source of our influence in the world. Moreover, our trade and investment supports millions
of American jobs, forges links among countries, spurs global development, and contributes to a stable
and peaceful political and economic environment.
Yet even as we have maintained our military advantage, our competitiveness has been set back in recent
years. We are recovering from underinvestment in the areas that are central to America’s strength. We
have not adequately advanced priorities like education, energy, science and technology, and health
care—all of which are essential to U.S. competitiveness, long-term prosperity, and strength. Years of
rising fiscal and trade deficits will also necessitate hard choices in the years ahead.
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That is why we are rebuilding our economy so that it will serve as an engine of opportunity for the
American people, and a source of American influence abroad. The United States must ensure that we
have the world’s best-educated workforce, a private sector that fosters innovation, and citizens and busi-
nesses that can access affordable health care to compete in a globalized economy. We must transform
the way that we use energy—diversifying supplies, investing in innovation, and deploying clean energy
technologies. By doing so, we will enhance energy security, create jobs, and fight climate change.
Rebuilding our economy must include putting ourselves on a fiscally sustainable path. As such, imple-
menting our national security strategy will require a disciplined approach to setting priorities and mak-
ing tradeoffs among competing programs and activities. Taken together, these efforts will position our
nation for success in the global marketplace, while also supporting our national security capacity—the
strength of our military, intelligence, diplomacy and development, and the security and resilience of
We are now moving beyond traditional distinctions between homeland and national security. National
security draws on the strength and resilience of our citizens, communities, and economy. This includes a
determination to prevent terrorist attacks against the American people by fully coordinating the actions
that we take abroad with the actions and precautions that we take at home. It must also include a com-
mitment to building a more secure and resilient nation, while maintaining open flows of goods and
people. We will continue to develop the capacity to address the threats and hazards that confront us,
while redeveloping our infrastructure to secure our people and work cooperatively with other nations.
America’s example is also a critical component of our foundation. The human rights which America has
stood for since our founding have enabled our leadership, provided a source of inspiration for peoples
around the world, and drawn a clear contrast between the United States and our democratic allies, and
those nations and individuals that deny or suppress human rights. Our efforts to live our own values,
and uphold the principles of democracy in our own society, underpin our support for the aspirations of
the oppressed abroad, who know they can turn to America for leadership based on justice and hope.
Our moral leadership is grounded principally in the power of our example—not through an effort to
impose our system on other peoples. Yet over the years, some methods employed in pursuit of our
security have compromised our fidelity to the values that we promote, and our leadership on their
behalf. This undercuts our ability to support democratic movements abroad, challenge nations that
violate international human rights norms, and apply our broader leadership for good in the world.
That is why we will lead on behalf of our values by living them. Our struggle to stay true to our values
and Constitution has always been a lodestar, both to the American people and to those who share our
aspiration for human dignity.
Our values have allowed us to draw the best and brightest to our shores, to inspire those who share our
cause abroad, and to give us the credibility to stand up to tyranny. America must demonstrate through
words and deeds the resilience of our values and Constitution. For if we compromise our values in pur-
suit of security, we will undermine both; if we fortify them, we will sustain a key source of our strength
and leadership in the world—one that sets us apart from our enemies and our potential competitors.
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Pursuing Comprehensive Engagement
Our foundation will support our efforts to engage nations, institutions, and peoples around the world
on the basis of mutual interests and mutual respect.
Engagement is the active participation of the United States in relationships beyond our borders. It is,
quite simply, the opposite of a self-imposed isolation that denies us the ability to shape outcomes.
Indeed, America has never succeeded through isolationism. As the nation that helped to build our
international system after World War II and to bring about the globalization that came with the end of
the Cold War, we must reengage the world on a comprehensive and sustained basis.
Engagement begins with our closest friends and allies—from Europe to Asia; from North America to
the Middle East. These nations share a common history of struggle on behalf of security, prosperity, and
democracy. They share common values and a common commitment to international norms that recog-
nize both the rights and responsibilities of all sovereign nations. America’s national security depends on
these vibrant alliances, and we must engage them as active partners in addressing global and regional
security priorities and harnessing new opportunities to advance common interests. For instance, we
pursue close and regular collaboration with our close allies the United Kingdom, France, and Germany
on issues of mutual and global concern.
We will continue to deepen our cooperation with other 21st century centers of influence—including
China, India, and Russia—on the basis of mutual interests and mutual respect. We will also pursue
diplomacy and development that supports the emergence of new and successful partners, from the
Americas to Africa; from the Middle East to Southeast Asia. Our ability to advance constructive coopera-
tion is essential to the security and prosperity of specific regions, and to facilitating global cooperation on
issues ranging from violent extremism and nuclear proliferation, to climate change, and global economic
instability—issues that challenge all nations, but that no one nation alone can meet.
To adversarial governments, we offer a clear choice: abide by international norms, and achieve the
political and economic benefits that come with greater integration with the international community;
or refuse to accept this pathway, and bear the consequences of that decision, including greater isolation.
Through engagement, we can create opportunities to resolve differences, strengthen the international
community’s support for our actions, learn about the intentions and nature of closed regimes, and plainly
demonstrate to the publics within those nations that their governments are to blame for their isolation.
Successful engagement will depend upon the effective use and integration of different elements of
American power. Our diplomacy and development capabilities must help prevent conflict, spur eco-
nomic growth, strengthen weak and failing states, lift people out of poverty, combat climate change
and epidemic disease, and strengthen institutions of democratic governance. Our military will continue
strengthening its capacity to partner with foreign counterparts, train and assist security forces, and
pursue military-to-military ties with a broad range of governments. We will continue to foster economic
and financial transactions to advance our shared prosperity. And our intelligence and law enforcement
agencies must cooperate effectively with foreign governments to anticipate events, respond to crises,
and provide safety and security.
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Finally, we will pursue engagement among peoples—not just governments—around the world. The
United States Government will make a sustained effort to engage civil society and citizens and facilitate
increased connections among the American people and peoples around the world—through efforts
ranging from public service and educational exchanges, to increased commerce and private sector
partnerships. In many instances, these modes of engagement have a powerful and enduring impact
beyond our borders, and are a cost-effective way of projecting a positive vision of American leadership.
Time and again, we have seen that the best ambassadors for American values and interests are the
American people—our businesses, nongovernmental organizations, scientists, athletes, artists, military
service members, and students.
Facilitating increased international engagement outside of government will help prepare our country
to thrive in a global economy, while building the goodwill and relationships that are invaluable to sus-
taining American leadership. It also helps leverage strengths that are unique to America—our diversity
and diaspora populations, our openness and creativity, and the values that our people embody in their
Promoting a Just and Sustainable International Order
Our engagement will underpin a just and sustainable international order—just, because it advances
mutual interests, protects the rights of all, and holds accountable those who refuse to meet their
responsibilities; sustainable because it is based on broadly shared norms and fosters collective action
to address common challenges.
This engagement will pursue an international order that recognizes the rights and responsibilities of all
nations. As we did after World War II, we must pursue a rules-based international system that can advance
our own interests by serving mutual interests. International institutions must be more effective and
representative of the diffusion of influence in the 21st century. Nations must have incentives to behave
responsibly, or be isolated when they do not. The test of this international order must be the cooperation
it facilitates and the results it generates—the ability of nations to come together to confront common
challenges like violent extremism, nuclear proliferation, climate change, and a changing global economy.
That is precisely the reason we should strengthen enforcement of international law and our commit-
ment to engage and modernize international institutions and frameworks. Those nations that refuse
to meet their responsibilities will forsake the opportunities that come with international cooperation.
Credible and effective alternatives to military action—from sanctions to isolation—must be strong
enough to change behavior, just as we must reinforce our alliances and our military capabilities. And if
nations challenge or undermine an international order that is based upon rights and responsibilities,
they must find themselves isolated.
We succeeded in the post-World War II era by pursuing our interests within multilateral forums like the
United Nations—not outside of them. We recognized that institutions that aggregated the national inter-
ests of many nations would never be perfect; but we also saw that they were an indispensable vehicle
for pooling international resources and enforcing international norms. Indeed, the basis for international
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cooperation since World War II has been an architecture of international institutions, organizations,
regimes, and standards that establishes certain rights and responsibilities for all sovereign nations.
In recent years America’s frustration with international institutions has led us at times to engage the
United Nations (U.N.) system on an ad hoc basis. But in a world of transnational challenges, the United
States will need to invest in strengthening the international system, working from inside interna-
tional institutions and frameworks to face their imperfections head on and to mobilize transnational
We must be clear-eyed about the factors that have impeded effectiveness in the past. In order for collec-
tive action to be mobilized, the polarization that persists across region, race, and religion will need to be
replaced by a galvanizing sense of shared interest. Swift and effective international action often turns on
the political will of coalitions of countries that comprise regional or international institutions. New and
emerging powers who seek greater voice and representation will need to accept greater responsibility
for meeting global challenges. When nations breach agreed international norms, the countries who
espouse those norms must be convinced to band together to enforce them.
We will expand our support to modernizing institutions and arrangements such as the evolution of the
G-8 to the G-20 to reflect the realities of today’s international environment. Working with the institutions
and the countries that comprise them, we will enhance international capacity to prevent conflict, spur
economic growth, improve security, combat climate change, and address the challenges posed by weak
and failing states. And we will challenge and assist international institutions and frameworks to reform
when they fail to live up to their promise. Strengthening the legitimacy and authority of international
law and institutions, especially the U.N., will require a constant struggle to improve performance.
Furthermore, our international order must recognize the increasing influence of individuals in today’s
world. There must be opportunities for civil society to thrive within nations and to forge connections
among them. And there must be opportunities for individuals and the private sector to play a major role
in addressing common challenges—whether supporting a nuclear fuel bank, promoting global health,
fostering entrepreneurship, or exposing violations of universal rights. In the 21st century, the ability of
individuals and nongovernment actors to play a positive role in shaping the international environment
represents a distinct opportunity for the United States.
Within this context, we know that an international order where every nation upholds its rights and
responsibilities will remain elusive. Force will sometimes be necessary to confront threats. Technology
will continue to bring with it new dangers. Poverty and disease will not be completely abolished.
Oppression will always be with us. But if we recognize these challenges, embrace America’s responsibil-
ity to confront them with its partners, and forge new cooperative approaches to get others to join us
in overcoming them, then the international order of a globalized age can better advance our interests
and the common interests of nations and peoples everywhere.
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Strengthening National Capacity—A Whole of Government Approach
To succeed, we must update, balance, and integrate all of the tools of American power and work with our
allies and partners to do the same. Our military must maintain its conventional superiority and, as long as
nuclear weapons exist, our nuclear deterrent capability, while continuing to enhance its capacity to defeat
asymmetric threats, preserve access to the global commons, and strengthen partners. We must invest
in diplomacy and development capabilities and institutions in a way that complements and reinforces
our global partners. Our intelligence capabilities must continuously evolve to identify and characterize
conventional and asymmetric threats and provide timely insight. And we must integrate our approach to
homeland security with our broader national security approach.
We are improving the integration of skills and capabilities within our military and civilian institutions, so
they complement each other and operate seamlessly. We are also improving coordinated planning and
policymaking and must build our capacity in key areas where we fall short. This requires close coopera-
tion with Congress and a deliberate and inclusive interagency process, so that we achieve integration of
our efforts to implement and monitor operations, policies, and strategies. To initiate this effort, the White
House merged the staffs of the National Security Council and Homeland Security Council.
However, work remains to foster coordination across departments and agencies. Key steps include more
effectively ensuring alignment of resources with our national security strategy, adapting the education and
training of national security professionals to equip them to meet modern challenges, reviewing authorities
and mechanisms to implement and coordinate assistance programs, and other policies and programs that
• Defense: We are strengthening our military to ensure that it can prevail in today’s wars; to prevent and
deter threats against the United States, its interests, and our allies and partners; and prepare to defend
the United States in a wide range of contingencies against state and nonstate actors. We will continue to
rebalance our military capabilities to excel at counterterrorism, counterinsurgency, stability operations,
and meeting increasingly sophisticated security threats, while ensuring our force is ready to address
the full range of military operations. This includes preparing for increasingly sophisticated adversaries,
deterring and defeating aggression in anti-access environments, and defending the United States and
supporting civil authorities at home. The most valuable component of our national defense is the men
and women who make up America’s all-volunteer force. They have shown tremendous resilience, adapt-
ability, and capacity for innovation, and we will provide our service members with the resources that
they need to succeed and rededicate ourselves to providing support and care for wounded warriors,
veterans, and military families. We must set the force on a path to sustainable deployment cycles and
preserve and enhance the long-term viability of our force through successful recruitment, retention,
and recognition of those who serve.
• Diplomacy: Diplomacy is as fundamental to our national security as our defense capability. Our diplo-
mats are the first line of engagement, listening to our partners, learning from them, building respect for
one another, and seeking common ground. Diplomats, development experts, and others in the United
States Government must be able to work side by side to support a common agenda. New skills are
needed to foster effective interaction to convene, connect, and mobilize not only other governments
and international organizations, but also nonstate actors such as corporations, foundations, nongovern-
mental organizations, universities, think tanks, and faith-based organizations, all of whom increasingly
have a distinct role to play on both diplomatic and development issues. To accomplish these goals our
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diplomatic personnel and missions must be expanded at home and abroad to support the increasingly
transnational nature of 21st century security challenges. And we must provide the appropriate authori-
ties and mechanisms to implement and coordinate assistance programs and grow the civilian expedi-
tionary capacity required to assist governments on a diverse array of issues.
• Economic: Our economic institutions are crucial components of our national capacity and our economic
instruments are the bedrock of sustainable national growth, prosperity and influence. The Office of
Management and Budget, Departments of the Treasury, State, Commerce, Energy, and Agriculture,
United States Trade Representative, Federal Reserve Board, and other institutions help manage our
currency, trade, foreign investment, deficit, inflation, productivity, and national competitiveness.
Remaining a vibrant 21st century economic power also requires close cooperation between and
among developed nations and emerging markets because of the interdependent nature of the global
economy. America—like other nations—is dependent upon overseas markets to sell its exports and
maintain access to scarce commodities and resources. Thus, finding overlapping mutual economic
interests with other nations and maintaining those economic relationships are key elements of our
national security strategy.
• Development: Development is a strategic, economic, and moral imperative. We are focusing on assist-
ing developing countries and their people to manage security threats, reap the benefits of global
economic expansion, and set in place accountable and democratic institutions that serve basic human
needs. Through an aggressive and affirmative development agenda and commensurate resources,
we can strengthen the regional partners we need to help us stop conflicts and counter global criminal
networks; build a stable, inclusive global economy with new sources of prosperity; advance democracy
and human rights; and ultimately position ourselves to better address key global challenges by growing
the ranks of prosperous, capable, and democratic states that can be our partners in the decades ahead.
To do this, we are expanding our civilian development capability; engaging with international financial
institutions that leverage our resources and advance our objectives; pursuing a development budget
that more deliberately reflects our policies and our strategy, not sector earmarks; and ensuring that our
policy instruments are aligned in support of development objectives.
• Homeland Security: Homeland security traces its roots to traditional and historic functions of govern-
ment and society, such as civil defense, emergency response, law enforcement, customs, border patrol,
and immigration. In the aftermath of 9/11 and the foundation of the Department of Homeland Security,
these functions have taken on new organization and urgency. Homeland security, therefore, strives to
adapt these traditional functions to confront new threats and evolving hazards. It is not simply about
government action alone, but rather about the collective strength of the entire country. Our approach
relies on our shared efforts to identify and interdict threats; deny hostile actors the ability to operate
within our borders; maintain effective control of our physical borders; safeguard lawful trade and travel
into and out of the United States; disrupt and dismantle transnational terrorist, and criminal organiza-
tions; and ensure our national resilience in the face of the threat and hazards. Taken together, these
efforts must support a homeland that is safe and secure from terrorism and other hazards and in which
American interests, aspirations, and way of life can thrive.
• Intelligence: Our country’s safety and prosperity depend on the quality of the intelligence we collect
and the analysis we produce, our ability to evaluate and share this information in a timely manner,
and our ability to counter intelligence threats. This is as true for the strategic intelligence that informs
executive decisions as it is for intelligence support to homeland security, state, local, and tribal govern-
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ments, our troops, and critical national missions. We are working to better integrate the Intelligence
Community, while also enhancing the capabilities of our Intelligence Community members. We are
strengthening our partnerships with foreign intelligence services and sustaining strong ties with our
close allies. And we continue to invest in the men and women of the Intelligence Community.
• Strategic Communications: Across all of our efforts, effective strategic communications are essential to
sustaining global legitimacy and supporting our policy aims. Aligning our actions with our words is a
shared responsibility that must be fostered by a culture of communication throughout government.
We must also be more effective in our deliberate communication and engagement and do a better job
understanding the attitudes, opinions, grievances, and concerns of peoples—not just elites—around
the world. Doing so allows us to convey credible, consistent messages and to develop effective plans,
while better understanding how our actions will be perceived. We must also use a broad range of meth-
ods for communicating with foreign publics, including new media.
• The American People and the Private Sector: The ideas, values, energy, creativity, and resilience of our
citizens are America’s greatest resource. We will support the development of prepared, vigilant, and
engaged communities and underscore that our citizens are the heart of a resilient country. And we
must tap the ingenuity outside government through strategic partnerships with the private sector,
nongovernmental organizations, foundations, and community-based organizations. Such partnerships
are critical to U.S. success at home and abroad, and we will support them through enhanced opportuni-
ties for engagement, coordination, transparency, and information sharing.
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III. advancing Our Interests
To achieve the world we seek, the United States must apply our strategic approach in pursuit of four
enduring national interests:
• Security: The security of the United States, its citizens, and U.S. allies and partners.
• Prosperity: A strong, innovative, and growing U.S. economy in an open international economic
system that promotes opportunity and prosperity.
• Values: Respect for universal values at home and around the world.
• International Order: An international order advanced by U.S. leadership that promotes peace,
security, and opportunity through stronger cooperation to meet global challenges.
Each of these interests is inextricably linked to the others: no single interest can be pursued in isolation,
but at the same time, positive action in one area will help advance all four. The initiatives described
below do not encompass all of America’s national security concerns. However, they represent areas of
particular priority and areas where progress is critical to securing our country and renewing American
leadership in the years to come.
“We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense. And for those
who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to
you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken—you cannot outlast us, and we
will defeat you.”
—President Barack Obama, Inaugural Address, January 20, 2009
The threats to our people, our homeland, and our interests have shifted dramatically in the last 20 years.
Competition among states endures, but instead of a single nuclear adversary, the United States is now
threatened by the potential spread of nuclear weapons to extremists who may not be deterred from
using them. Instead of a hostile expansionist empire, we now face a diverse array of challenges, from
a loose network of violent extremists to states that flout international norms or face internal collapse.
In addition to facing enemies on traditional battlefields, the United States must now be prepared for
asymmetric threats, such as those that target our reliance on space and cyberspace.
This Administration has no greater responsibility than protecting the American people. Furthermore,
we embrace America’s unique responsibility to promote international security—a responsibility that
flows from our commitments to allies, our leading role in supporting a just and sustainable international
order, and our unmatched military capabilities.
The United States remains the only nation able to project and sustain large-scale military operations
over extended distances. We maintain superior capabilities to deter and defeat adaptive enemies and
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to ensure the credibility of security partnerships that are fundamental to regional and global security.
In this way, our military continues to underpin our national security and global leadership, and when
we use it appropriately, our security and leadership is reinforced. But when we overuse our military
might, or fail to invest in or deploy complementary tools, or act without partners, then our military is
overstretched, Americans bear a greater burden, and our leadership around the world is too narrowly
identified with military force. And we know that our enemies aim to overextend our Armed Forces and
to drive wedges between us and those who share our interests.
Therefore, we must continue to adapt and rebalance our instruments of statecraft. At home, we are inte-
grating our homeland security efforts seamlessly with other aspects of our national security approach,
and strengthening our preparedness and resilience. Abroad, we are strengthening alliances, forging new
partnerships, and using every tool of American power to advance our objectives—including enhanced
diplomatic and development capabilities with the ability both to prevent conflict and to work alongside
our military. We are strengthening international norms to isolate governments that flout them and to
marshal cooperation against nongovernmental actors who endanger our common security.
Strengthen Security and Resilience at Home
At home, the United States is pursuing a strategy capable of meeting the full range of threats and
hazards to our communities. These threats and hazards include terrorism, natural disasters, large-scale
cyber attacks, and pandemics. As we do everything within our power to prevent these dangers, we
also recognize that we will not be able to deter or prevent every single threat. That is why we must also
enhance our resilience—the ability to adapt to changing conditions and prepare for, withstand, and
rapidly recover from disruption. To keep Americans safe and secure at home, we are working to:
Enhance Security at Home: Security at home relies on our shared efforts to prevent and deter attacks
by identifying and interdicting threats, denying hostile actors the ability to operate within our borders,
protecting the nation’s critical infrastructure and key resources, and securing cyberspace. That is why
we are pursuing initiatives to protect and reduce vulnerabilities in critical infrastructure, at our borders,
ports, and airports, and to enhance overall air, maritime, transportation, and space and cyber security.
Building on this foundation, we recognize that the global systems that carry people, goods, and data
around the globe also facilitate the movement of dangerous people, goods, and data. Within these
systems of transportation and transaction, there are key nodes—for example, points of origin and
transfer, or border crossings—that represent opportunities for exploitation and interdiction. Thus, we
are working with partners abroad to confront threats that often begin beyond our borders. And we are
developing lines of coordination at home across Federal, state, local, tribal, territorial, nongovernmental,
and private-sector partners, as well as individuals and communities.
Effectively Manage Emergencies: We are building our capability to prepare for disasters to reduce or
eliminate long-term effects to people and their property from hazards and to respond to and recover
from major incidents. To improve our preparedness, we are integrating domestic all hazards planning
at all levels of government and building key capabilities to respond to emergencies. We continue to
collaborate with communities to ensure preparedness efforts are integrated at all levels of government
with the private and nonprofit sectors. We are investing in operational capabilities and equipment, and
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improving the reliability and interoperability of communications systems for first responders. We are
encouraging domestic regional planning and integrated preparedness programs and will encourage
government at all levels to engage in long-term recovery planning. It is critical that we continually test
and improve plans using exercises that are realistic in scenario and consequences.
Empowering Communities to Counter Radicalization: Several recent incidences of violent extremists
in the United States who are committed to fighting here and abroad have underscored the threat to
the United States and our interests posed by individuals radicalized at home. Our best defenses against
this threat are well informed and equipped families, local communities, and institutions. The Federal
Government will invest in intelligence to understand this threat and expand community engagement
and development programs to empower local communities. And the Federal Government, drawing
on the expertise and resources from all relevant agencies, will clearly communicate our policies and
intentions, listening to local concerns, tailoring policies to address regional concerns, and making clear
that our diversity is part of our strength—not a source of division or insecurity.
Improve Resilience Through Increased Public-Private Partnerships: When incidents occur, we must show
resilience by maintaining critical operations and functions, returning to our normal life, and learning
from disasters so that their lessons can be translated into pragmatic changes when necessary. The
private sector, which owns and operates most of the nation’s critical infrastructure, plays a vital role in
preparing for and recovering from disasters. We must, therefore, strengthen public-private partnerships
by developing incentives for government and the private sector to design structures and systems that
can withstand disruptions and mitigate associated consequences, ensure redundant systems where
necessary to maintain the ability to operate, decentralize critical operations to reduce our vulnerability
to single points of disruption, develop and test continuity plans to ensure the ability to restore critical
capabilities, and invest in improvements and maintenance of existing infrastructure.
Engage with Communities and Citizens: We will emphasize individual and community preparedness
and resilience through frequent engagement that provides clear and reliable risk and emergency
information to the public. A key part of this effort is providing practical steps that all Americans can
take to protect themselves, their families, and their neighbors. This includes transmitting information
through multiple pathways and to those with special needs. In addition, we support efforts to develop
a nationwide public safety broadband network. Our efforts to inform and empower Americans and their
communities recognize that resilience has always been at the heart of the American spirit.
Disrupt, Dismantle, and Defeat Al-Qa’ida and its Violent Extremist Affiliates in
Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Around the World
The United States is waging a global campaign against al-Qa’ida and its terrorist affiliates. To disrupt,
dismantle and defeat al-Qa’ida and its affiliates, we are pursuing a strategy that protects our homeland,
secures the world’s most dangerous weapons and material, denies al-Qa’ida safe haven, and builds
positive partnerships with Muslim communities around the world. Success requires a broad, sustained,
and integrated campaign that judiciously applies every tool of American power—both military and
civilian—as well as the concerted efforts of like-minded states and multilateral institutions.
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We will always seek to delegitimize the use of terrorism and to isolate those who carry it out. Yet this is
not a global war against a tactic—terrorism or a religion—Islam. We are at war with a specific network,
al-Qa’ida, and its terrorist affiliates who support efforts to attack the United States, our allies, and partners.
Prevent Attacks on and in the Homeland: To prevent acts of terrorism on American soil, we must enlist
all of our intelligence, law enforcement, and homeland security capabilities. We will continue to inte-
grate and leverage state and major urban area fusion centers that have the capability to share classified
information; establish a nationwide framework for reporting suspicious activity; and implement an
integrated approach to our counterterrorism information systems to ensure that the analysts, agents,
and officers who protect us have access to all relevant intelligence throughout the government. We
are improving information sharing and cooperation by linking networks to facilitate Federal, state, and
local capabilities to seamlessly exchange messages and information, conduct searches, and collaborate.
We are coordinating better with foreign partners to identify, track, limit access to funding, and prevent
terrorist travel. Recognizing the inextricable link between domestic and transnational security, we will
collaborate bilaterally, regionally, and through international institutions to promote global efforts to
prevent terrorist attacks.
Strengthen Aviation Security: We know that the aviation system has been a particular target of al-Qa’ida
and its affiliates. We must continue to bolster aviation security worldwide through a focus on increased
information collection and sharing, stronger passenger vetting and screening measures, the develop-
ment and development of advanced screening technologies, and cooperation with the international
community to strengthen aviation security standards and efforts around the world.
Deny Terrorists Weapons of Mass Destruction: To prevent acts of terrorism with the world’s most danger-
ous weapons, we are dramatically accelerating and intensifying efforts to secure all vulnerable nuclear
materials by the end of 2013, and to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. We will also take actions
to safeguard knowledge and capabilities in the life and chemical sciences that could be vulnerable to
Deny Al-Qa’ida the Ability to Threaten the American People, Our Allies, Our Partners and Our Interests
Overseas: Al-Qa’ida and its allies must not be permitted to gain or retain any capacity to plan and launch
international terrorist attacks, especially against the U.S. homeland. Al Qa’ida’s core in Pakistan remains
the most dangerous component of the larger network, but we also face a growing threat from the
group’s allies worldwide. We must deny these groups the ability to conduct operational plotting from
any locale, or to recruit, train, and position operatives, including those from Europe and North America.
Afghanistan and Pakistan: This is the epicenter of the violent extremism practiced by al Qa’ida. The
danger from this region will only grow if its security slides backward, the Taliban controls large swaths of
Afghanistan, and al-Qa’ida is allowed to operate with impunity. To prevent future attacks on the United
States, our allies, and partners, we must work with others to keep the pressure on al-Qa’ida and increase
the security and capacity of our partners in this region.
In Afghanistan, we must deny al-Qa’ida a safe haven, deny the Taliban the ability to overthrow the gov-
ernment, and strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan’s security forces and government so that they can
take lead responsibility for Afghanistan’s future. Within Pakistan, we are working with the government
to address the local, regional, and global threat from violent extremists.
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We will achieve these objectives with a strategy comprised of three components.
• First, our military and International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) partners within Afghanistan
are targeting the insurgency, working to secure key population centers, and increasing efforts
to train Afghan security forces. These military resources will allow us to create the conditions to
transition to Afghan responsibility. In July 2011, we will begin reducing our troops responsibly,
taking into account conditions on the ground. We will continue to advise and assist Afghanistan’s
Security Forces so that they can succeed over the long term.
• Second, we will continue to work with our partners, the United Nations, and the Afghan
Government to improve accountable and effective governance. As we work to advance our
strategic partnership with the Afghan Government, we are focusing assistance on supporting
the President of Afghanistan and those ministries, governors, and local leaders who combat
corruption and deliver for the people. Our efforts will be based upon performance, and we will
measure progress. We will also target our assistance to areas that can make an immediate and
enduring impact in the lives of the Afghan people, such as agriculture, while supporting the
human rights of all of Afghanistan’s people—women and men. This will support our long-term
commitment to a relationship between our two countries that supports a strong, stable, and
• Third, we will foster a relationship with Pakistan founded upon mutual interests and mutual
respect. To defeat violent extremists who threaten both of our countries, we will strengthen
Pakistan’s capacity to target violent extremists within its borders, and continue to provide
security assistance to support those efforts. To strengthen Pakistan’s democracy and develop-
ment, we will provide substantial assistance responsive to the needs of the Pakistani people,
and sustain a long-term partnership committed to Pakistan’s future. The strategic partnership
that we are developing with Pakistan includes deepening cooperation in a broad range of
areas, addressing both security and civilian challenges, and we will continue to expand those
ties through our engagement with Pakistan in the years to come.
Deny Safe Havens and Strengthen At-Risk States: Wherever al-Qa’ida or its terrorist affiliates attempt
to establish a safe haven—as they have in Yemen, Somalia, the Maghreb, and the Sahel—we will meet
them with growing pressure. We also will strengthen our own network of partners to disable al-Qa’ida’s
financial, human, and planning networks; disrupt terrorist operations before they mature; and address
potential safe-havens before al-Qa’ida and its terrorist affiliates can take root. These efforts will focus on
information-sharing, law enforcement cooperation, and establishing new practices to counter evolving
adversaries. We will also help states avoid becoming terrorist safe havens by helping them build their
capacity for responsible governance and security through development and security sector assistance.
Deliver Swift and Sure Justice: To effectively detain, interrogate, and prosecute terrorists, we need
durable legal approaches consistent with our security and our values. We adhere to several principles:
we will leverage all available information and intelligence to disrupt attacks and dismantle al-Qa’ida and
affiliated terrorist organizations; we will bring terrorists to justice; we will act in line with the rule of law
and due process; we will submit decisions to checks and balances and accountability; and we will insist
that matters of detention and secrecy are addressed in a manner consistent with our Constitution and
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laws. To deny violent extremists one of their most potent recruitment tools, we will close the prison at
Resist Fear and Overreaction: The goal of those who perpetrate terrorist attacks is in part to sow fear. If we
respond with fear, we allow violent extremists to succeed far beyond the initial impact of their attacks, or
attempted attacks—altering our society and enlarging the standing of al-Qa’ida and its terrorist affiliates
far beyond its actual reach. Similarly, overreacting in a way that creates fissures between America and
certain regions or religions will undercut our leadership and make us less safe.
Contrast Al-Qa’ida’s Intent to Destroy with Our Constructive Vision: While violent extremists seek to
destroy, we will make clear our intent to build. We are striving to build bridges among people of different
faiths and regions. We will continue to work to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict, which has long been a
source of tension. We will continue to stand up for the universal rights of all people, even for those with
whom we disagree. We are developing new partnerships in Muslim communities around the world on
behalf of health, education, science, employment, and innovation. And through our broader emphasis
on Muslim engagement, we will communicate our commitment to support the aspirations of all people
for security and opportunity. Finally, we reject the notion that al-Qa’ida represents any religious author-
ity. They are not religious leaders, they are killers; and neither Islam nor any other religion condones the
slaughter of innocents.
Use of Force
Military force, at times, may be necessary to defend our country and allies or to preserve broader peace
and security, including by protecting civilians facing a grave humanitarian crisis. We will draw on diplo-
macy, development, and international norms and institutions to help resolve disagreements, prevent
conflict, and maintain peace, mitigating where possible the need for the use of force. This means credibly
underwriting U.S. defense commitments with tailored approaches to deterrence and ensuring the U.S.
military continues to have the necessary capabilities across all domains—land, air, sea, space, and cyber. It
also includes helping our allies and partners build capacity to fulfill their responsibilities to contribute to
regional and global security.
While the use of force is sometimes necessary, we will exhaust other options before war whenever we can,
and carefully weigh the costs and risks of action against the costs and risks of inaction. When force is neces-
sary, we will continue to do so in a way that reflects our values and strengthens our legitimacy, and we will
seek broad international support, working with such institutions as NATO and the U.N. Security Council.
The United States must reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend our nation and our inter-
ests, yet we will also seek to adhere to standards that govern the use of force. Doing so strengthens those
who act in line with international standards, while isolating and weakening those who do not. We will also
outline a clear mandate and specific objectives and thoroughly consider the consequences —intended
and unintended—of our actions. And the United States will take care when sending the men and women
of our Armed Forces into harm’s way to ensure they have the leadership, training, and equipment they
require to accomplish their mission.
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Reverse the Spread of Nuclear and Biological Weapons and Secure Nuclear
The American people face no greater or more urgent danger than a terrorist attack with a nuclear
weapon. And international peace and security is threatened by proliferation that could lead to a nuclear
exchange. Indeed, since the end of the Cold War, the risk of a nuclear attack has increased. Excessive
Cold War stockpiles remain. More nations have acquired nuclear weapons. Testing has continued. Black
markets trade in nuclear secrets and materials. Terrorists are determined to buy, build, or steal a nuclear
weapon. Our efforts to contain these dangers are centered in a global nonproliferation regime that has
frayed as more people and nations break the rules.
That is why reversing the spread of nuclear weapons is a top priority. Success depends upon broad
consensus and concerted action, we will move forward strategically on a number of fronts through our
example, our partnerships, and a reinvigorated international regime. The United States will:
Pursue the Goal of a World Without Nuclear Weapons: While this goal will not be reached during this
Administration, its active pursuit and eventual achievement will increase global security, keep our
commitment under the NPT, build our cooperation with Russia and other states, and increase our cred-
ibility to hold others accountable for their obligations. As long as any nuclear weapons exist, the United
States will sustain a safe, secure, and effective nuclear arsenal, both to deter potential adversaries and
to assure U.S. allies and other security partners that they can count on America’s security commitments.
But we have signed and seek to ratify a landmark New START Treaty with Russia to substantially limit our
deployed nuclear warheads and strategic delivery vehicles, while assuring a comprehensive monitoring
regime. We are reducing the role of nuclear weapons in our national security approach, extending a
negative security assurance not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against those nonnuclear
nations that are in compliance with the NPT and their nuclear nonproliferation obligations, and investing
in the modernization of a safe, secure, and effective stockpile without the production of new nuclear
weapons. We will pursue ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. And we will seek a new treaty
that verifiably ends the production of fissile materials intended for use in nuclear weapons.
Strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty: The basic bargain of the NPT is sound: countries with
nuclear weapons will move toward disarmament; countries without nuclear weapons will forsake
them; and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy. To strengthen the NPT, we will seek more
resources and authority for international inspections. We will develop a new framework for civil nuclear
cooperation. As members of the Global Nuclear Energy Partnership have agreed, one important ele-
ment of an enhanced framework could be cradle-to-grave nuclear fuel management. We will pursue a
broad, international consensus to insist that all nations meet their obligations. And we will also pursue
meaningful consequences for countries that fail to meet their obligations under the NPT or to meet the
requirements for withdrawing from it.
Present a Clear Choice to Iran and North Korea: The United States will pursue the denuclearization of the
Korean peninsula and work to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. This is not about singling
out nations—it is about the responsibilities of all nations and the success of the nonproliferation regime.
Both nations face a clear choice. If North Korea eliminates its nuclear weapons program, and Iran meets
its international obligations on its nuclear program, they will be able to proceed on a path to greater
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political and economic integration with the international community. If they ignore their international
obligations, we will pursue multiple means to increase their isolation and bring them into compliance
with international nonproliferation norms.
Secure Vulnerable Nuclear Weapons and Material: The Global Nuclear Security Summit of 2010 rallied 47
nations behind the goal of securing all nuclear materials from terrorist groups. By the end of 2013, we
will seek to complete a focused international effort to secure all vulnerable nuclear material around the
world through enhanced protection and accounting practices, expanded cooperation with and through
international institutions, and new partnerships to lock down these sensitive materials. To detect and
intercept nuclear materials in transit, and to stop the illicit trade in these technologies, we will work to
turn programs such as the Proliferation Security Initiative and the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear
Terrorism into durable international efforts. And we will sustain broad-based cooperation with other
nations and international institutions to ensure the continued improvements necessary to protect
nuclear materials from evolving threats.
Support Peaceful Nuclear Energy: As countries move increasingly to tap peaceful nuclear energy to
provide power generation while advancing climate goals, the world must develop an infrastructure
in the countries that seek to use nuclear energy for their energy security needs and climate goals to
ensure that nuclear energy is developed in a safer manner. We will do so by promoting safety through
regulatory bodies and training of operators, promoting physical security to prevent terrorist acts, and
assuring safe and secure handling of fuel at the front and back ends of the nuclear fuel cycle.
Counter Biological Threats: The effective dissemination of a lethal biological agent within a population
center would endanger the lives of hundreds of thousands of people and have unprecedented eco-
nomic, societal, and political consequences. We must continue to work at home with first responders
and health officials to reduce the risk associated with unintentional or deliberate outbreaks of infectious
disease and to strengthen our resilience across the spectrum of high-consequence biological threats.
We will work with domestic and international partners to protect against biological threats by promot-
ing global health security and reinforcing norms of safe and responsible conduct; obtaining timely
and accurate insight on current and emerging risks; taking reasonable steps to reduce the potential
for exploitation; expanding our capability to prevent, attribute, and apprehend those who carry out
attacks; communicating effectively with all stakeholders; and helping to transform the international
dialogue on biological threats.
Advance Peace, Security, and Opportunity in the Greater Middle East
The United States has important interests in the greater Middle East. They include broad cooperation on
a wide range of issues with our close friend, Israel, and an unshakable commitment to its security; the
achievement of the Palestinian people’s legitimate aspirations for statehood, opportunity, and the real-
ization of their extraordinary potential; the unity and security of Iraq and the fostering of its democracy
and reintegration into the region; the transformation of Iranian policy away from its pursuit of nuclear
weapons, support for terrorism, and threats against its neighbors; nonproliferation; and counterterrorism
cooperation, access to energy, and integration of the region into global markets.
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At the same time, our engagement must be both comprehensive and strategic. It should extend beyond
near-term threats by appealing to peoples’ aspirations for justice, education, and opportunity and by
pursuing a positive and sustainable vision of U.S. partnership with the region. Furthermore, our relation-
ship with our Israeli and Arab friends and partners in the region extends beyond our commitment to its
security and includes the continued ties we share in areas such as trade, exchanges, and cooperation
on a broad range of issues.
Complete a Responsible Transition as We End the War in Iraq: The war in Iraq presents a distinct and
important challenge to the United States, the international community, the Iraqi people, and the region.
America’s servicemen and women, along with our coalition partners, have performed remarkably in
fighting determined enemies and have worked with our civilians to help the Iraqi people regain control
of their own destiny. Going forward, we have a responsibility, for our own security and the security of
the region, to successfully end the war through a full transition to Iraqi responsibility. We will cultivate
an enduring relationship with Iraq based on mutual interests and mutual respect.
Our goal is an Iraq that is sovereign, stable, and self-reliant. To achieve that goal, we are continuing to
promote an Iraqi Government that is just, representative, and accountable and that denies support and
safe haven to terrorists. The United States will pursue no claim on Iraqi territory or resources, and we
will keep our commitments to Iraq’s democratically elected government. These efforts will build new
ties of trade and commerce between Iraq and the world, enable Iraq to assume its rightful place in the
community of nations, and contribute to the peace and security of the region.
We are pursuing these objectives with a strategy that has three core components.
• Transition Security: First, we are transitioning security to full Iraqi responsibility. We will end the
combat mission in Iraq by the end of August 2010. We will continue to train, equip, and advise
Iraqi Security Forces; conduct targeted counterterrorism missions; and protect ongoing civilian
and military efforts in Iraq. And, consistent with our commitments to the Iraqi Government,
including the U.S.-Iraq Security Agreement, we will remove all of our troops from Iraq by the
end of 2011.
• Civilian Support: Second, as the security situation continues to improve, U.S. civilian engage-
ment will deepen and broaden. We will sustain a capable political, diplomatic, and civilian effort
to help the Iraqi people as they resolve outstanding differences, integrate those refugees and
displaced persons who can return, and continue to develop accountable democratic institu-
tions that can better serve their basic needs. We will work with our Iraqi partners to implement
the Strategic Framework Agreement, with the Department of State taking the lead. This will
include cooperation on a range of issues including defense and security cooperation, political
and diplomatic cooperation, rule of law, science, health, education, and economics.
• Regional Diplomacy and Development: Third, we will continue to pursue comprehensive
engagement across the region to ensure that our drawdown in Iraq provides an opportunity
to advance lasting security and sustainable development for both Iraq and the broader Middle
East. The United States will continue to retain a robust civilian presence commensurate with
our strategic interests in the country and the region. We are transforming our relationship to
one consistent with other strategic partners in the region.
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Pursue Arab-Israeli Peace: The United States, Israel, the Palestinians, and the Arab States have an interest
in a peaceful resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict—one in which the legitimate aspirations of Israelis
and Palestinians for security and dignity are realized, and Israel achieves a secure and lasting peace with
all of its neighbors.
The United States seeks two states living side by side in peace and security—a Jewish state of Israel, with
true security, acceptance, and rights for all Israelis; and a viable, independent Palestine with contiguous
territory that ends the occupation that began in 1967 and realizes the potential of the Palestinian people.
We will continue to work regionally and with like-minded partners in order to advance negotiations
that address the permanent-status issues: security for Israelis and Palestinians; borders, refugees, and
Jerusalem. We also seek international support to build the institutions upon which a Palestinian state
will depend, while supporting economic development that can bring opportunity to its people.
Any Arab-Israeli peace will only be lasting if harmful regional interference ends and constructive regional
support deepens. As we pursue peace between Israelis and Palestinians, we will also pursue peace
between Israel and Lebanon, Israel and Syria, and a broader peace between Israel and its neighbors. We
will pursue regional initiatives with multilateral participation, alongside bilateral negotiations.
Promote a Responsible Iran: For decades, the Islamic Republic of Iran has endangered the security of
the region and the United States and failed to live up to its international responsibilities. In addition
to its illicit nuclear program, it continues to support terrorism, undermine peace between Israelis and
Palestinians, and deny its people their universal rights. Many years of refusing to engage Iran failed to
reverse these trends; on the contrary, Iran’s behavior became more threatening. Engagement is some-
thing we pursue without illusion. It can offer Iran a pathway to a better future, provided Iran’s leaders
are prepared to take it. But that better pathway can only be achieved if Iran’s leaders change course,
act to restore the confidence of the international community, and fulfill their obligations. The United
States seeks a future in which Iran meets its international responsibilities, takes its rightful place in the
community of nations, and enjoys the political and economic opportunities that its people deserve.
Yet if the Iranian Government continues to refuse to live up to its international obligations, it will face
Invest in the Capacity of Strong and Capable Partners
Where governments are incapable of meeting their citizens’ basic needs and fulfilling their responsibili-
ties to provide security within their borders, the consequences are often global and may directly threaten
the American people. To advance our common security, we must address the underlying political and
economic deficits that foster instability, enable radicalization and extremism, and ultimately undermine
the ability of governments to manage threats within their borders and to be our partners in addressing
common challenges. To invest in the capacity of strong and capable partners, we will work to:
Foster Security and Reconstruction in the Aftermath of Conflict: The United States and the international
community cannot shy away from the difficult task of pursuing stabilization in conflict and post-conflict
environments. In countries like Iraq and Afghanistan, building the capacity necessary for security, eco-
nomic growth, and good governance is the only path to long term peace and security. But we have also
learned that the effectiveness of these efforts is profoundly affected by the capacity of governments and
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the political will of their leaders. We will take these constraints into account in designing appropriate
assistance strategies and will facilitate the kind of collaboration that is essential—within our govern-
ment and with international organizations—in those instances when we engage in the difficult work
of helping to bring conflicts to an end.
Pursue Sustainable and Responsible Security Systems in At-Risk States: Proactively investing in stronger
societies and human welfare is far more effective and efficient than responding after state collapse.
The United States must improve its capability to strengthen the security of states at risk of conflict and
violence. We will undertake long-term, sustained efforts to strengthen the capacity of security forces to
guarantee internal security, defend against external threats, and promote regional security and respect
for human rights and the rule of law. We will also continue to strengthen the administrative and oversight
capability of civilian security sector institutions, and the effectiveness of criminal justice.
Prevent the Emergence of Conflict: Our strategy goes beyond meeting the challenges of today, and
includes preventing the challenges and seizing the opportunities of tomorrow. This requires investing
now in the capable partners of the future; building today the capacity to strengthen the foundations of
our common security, and modernizing our capabilities in order to ensure that we are agile in the face
of change. We have already begun to reorient and strengthen our development agenda; to take stock
of and enhance our capabilities; and to forge new and more effective means of applying the skills of our
military, diplomats, and development experts. These kinds of measures will help us diminish military risk,
act before crises and conflicts erupt, and ensure that governments are better able to serve their people.
Cybersecurity threats represent one of the most serious national security, public safety, and economic
challenges we face as a nation. The very technologies that empower us to lead and create also empower
those who would disrupt and destroy. They enable our military superiority, but our unclassified govern-
ment networks are constantly probed by intruders. Our daily lives and public safety depend on power
and electric grids, but potential adversaries could use cyber vulnerabilities to disrupt them on a massive
scale. The Internet and e-commerce are keys to our economic competitiveness, but cyber criminals
have cost companies and consumers hundreds of millions of dollars and valuable intellectual property.
The threats we face range from individual criminal hackers to organized criminal groups, from terrorist
networks to advanced nation states. Defending against these threats to our security, prosperity, and
personal privacy requires networks that are secure, trustworthy, and resilient. Our digital infrastruc-
ture, therefore, is a strategic national asset, and protecting it—while safeguarding privacy and civil
liberties—is a national security priority. We will deter, prevent, detect, defend against, and quickly recover
from cyber intrusions and attacks by:
Investing in People and Technology: To advance that goal, we are working across the government and
with the private sector to design more secure technology that gives us the ability to better protect and
to improve the resilience of critical government and industry systems and networks. We will continue
to invest in the cutting-edge research and development necessary for the innovation and discovery
we need to meet these challenges. We have begun a comprehensive national campaign to promote
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